Posts Tagged ‘African and Indian History’

The Indian-African Political Dynamic in T & T

The Indian-African Political Dynamic
Posted: Sunday, June 13, 2010

Jack  Warner and Kamla Persad-Bissessar at the People's Partnership New Day,  New Way Forward Rally - May 22, 2010


THE EDITOR: Many Africans, especially those who have traditionally supported the PNM, are concerned about a possible racist, Indian backlash from this People’s Partnership government. In examining these concerns we also have to understand the difference in the dynamics of racial politics today. We have to examine the significance of Jack Warner as chairman of the UNC (an Indian-based political party) and Cabinet minister in the People’s Partnership government. We also have to look at the shortcomings of the PNM as it pertains to race relations.

When supporters and members of political parties say, ‘we in power’ or ‘we lost power’ we have to be reminded that they are emotionally tied to these political parties. They share a communal sense of well-being. As with all political parties, the supporters also live vicariously through their party’s oligarchy. Most grassroots supporters in Trinidad and Tobago are comforted with a sense of inclusion through seeing their racial kind in leadership.

Many Africans remember the “Is We Turn Now” language and conduct from many Indians when the Panday-led UNC was in government during the period 1995 to 2001. Having seen political power for the first time many Indians in their exuberance were openly spewing their racial dislike for Africans. One must also remember that Basdeo Panday solidified himself as the political leader of Indians by appealing to them on a racial level at every turn. He convinced many Indians that they were under a constant racial assault from the PNM. So in many respects, Africans do have reason to be distrustful of Indians in leadership.

This People’s Partnership government is somewhat different, besides the obvious fact that it is led by an Indian woman who has broad appeal across racial lines. At this point in time, this government does not have the appearance of being an extremely elitist, Indian-controlled coalition. The UNC and the People’s Partnership coalition both have a better image today and this is largely due to the presence of one man: Jack Warner. He is the only African in a leadership position in the alliance, who, by virtue of being relatively financially independent and powerful in his own right, will not be seen as a stooge of the Indian elite or anyone else. Without Warner, all the other Africans in the coalition could be considered subordinates to Indian elites.

If Warner is ever forced out of that party or demoted in government then the People’s Partnership would be led by several elitist-type Indians who were staunch defenders of Basdeo Panday’s failed leadership. They did not take a stand with Warner in calling for UNC’s internal party elections which eventually ended Panday’s political control and which made the UNC attractive to the wider populace for a chance in government.

It is in this light that Kamla Persad-Bissessar, who herself did not take an early stand to remove Panday, must unequivocally defend Jack Warner except if he flagrantly breaks the law.

Many Africans, who are supportive of this partnership, for now, are cautiously keeping an eye on how they deal with Jack Warner and how they control Indian racism.

Of course, because of how Jack Warner invested in Chaguanas and other parts of Trinidad, many poor Indians and Africans are grateful to him and defend him as their representative. This is a welcoming sign because poor Indians are usually the force behind the Indian elites, and with their support behind Jack Warner, he cannot be easily discarded.

Having said this, I am personally not too bothered by some of the racist comments that I hear from some Indians. I am sure that there are racist Indians in the People’s Partnership government. But many Indians, including the ones who spew racial venom, are quite aware that this People’s Partnership victory was dependent on several African factors – Jack Warner’s leadership and finance, and the increased support from Africans on the ground. For this government to survive they will need the ongoing support of Africans in and out of government.

I have also long heard many Africans utter racist comments about Indians. Christian-Africans through the PNM have dominated political power in this country for a long time and have even marginalized other Africans who promote African awareness. Many Christian-Africans consider any indigenous form of worship to be evil, so their prejudice is not only towards Indians but even other Africans who engage traditional African religious practices. They, like ex-PM Manning, consider the wearing of traditional African clothes on a regular basis to be backward (they make a costumed allowance for the Emancipation celebrations). This Christianized-African PNM dominance has also contributed to Indians holding firm to what they perceived as their only political vehicle, the UNC and its earlier manifestations. It is no surprise that even when Indians were disappointed in Basdeo Panday, they did not throw their support behind the PNM. PNM represented a dominant African-based political force over them.

African PNM supporters should not be in the position they are today of feeling threatened by racist Indians. PNM has been in political power the longest and if they were unable to make their support base feel better about themselves and to be in a position to challenge and defeat any racist group in Trinidad and Tobago, it is their fault. If the PNM government did not allow the education system to comprehensively address racism, then guess who is to blame? It is foolhardy for PNM members to feel that maintaining PNM in power at any cost is about resistance to Indian racism. Their complacency in the PNM is why the party always played down the concerns of African activists who sought to engender African consciousness. PNM’s inability to consider African-centred folks to be worthy of promotion in the political landscape is partly responsible for their party members’ low self-image.

There is a history of PNM disrespecting and disregarding African activists even while facilitating Indian culture in the state media in an attempt to woo Indian voters. This foolish policy that denied Africans and allowed Indians to use the state media, inadvertently allowed Indian activists to use the same state media to consolidate their political forces against the dominant PNM. PNM members were never interested in what was being presented under the guise of Indian cultural programs. They smugly thought that PNM would be in power forever.

While Indian activists stepped up their campaign of building political awareness and started challenging the status quo in the early 90′s, Christianized PNM supporters were caught unaware. They could not decipher which Indian concerns were legitimate and which were illegitimate. The presence of Dr. Cudjoe only helped a little except that Africans who gravitated to him were mostly interested in rivaling Sat Maharaj and other Indians. This is not sufficient to raise the consciousness of Africans so they could liberate themselves while preparing them to guard against both external and internal threats.

Africans who feel threatened this time around can use this time to learn the many lessons that they have traditionally neglected – especially African history – to first raise their awareness to become more creative and more astute financially and politically. If they do this while aligning themselves with other progressive Africans they would never have to feel threatened by anyone.

PNM members (most of whom are Christians) have to be a lot more honest and stop only looking at racism in the context of what some Indians spew and do, but also look at themselves and see how they are racist towards Indians too. They also have to examine their prejudices toward other Africans who adhere to African traditions.

By HERU

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An Ancient Link to Africa Lives on in Bay of Bengal

An Ancient Link to Africa Lives on in Bay of Bengal

By NICHOLAS WADE for the NY TIMES

http://www.andaman-video.org/img/startandaman.jpg

Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, a remote archipelago east of India, are direct descendants of the first modern humans to have inhabited Asia, geneticists conclude in a new study.

But the islanders lack a distinctive genetic feature found among Australian aborigines, another early group to leave Africa, suggesting they were part of a separate exodus.

The Andaman Islanders are “arguably the most enigmatic people on our planet,” a team of geneticists led by Dr. Erika Hagelberg of the University of Oslo write in the journal Current Biology.

Their physical features — short stature, dark skin, peppercorn hair and large buttocks — are characteristic of African Pygmies. “They look like they belong in Africa, but here they are sitting in this island chain in the middle of the Indian Ocean,” said Dr. Peter Underhill of Stanford University, a co-author of the new report.

Adding to the puzzle is that their language, according to Joseph Greenberg, who, before his death in 2001, classified the world’s languages, belongs to a family that includes those of Tasmania, Papua New Guinea and Melanesia.

Dr. Hagelberg has undertaken the first genetic analysis of the Andamanese with the help of two Indian colleagues who took blood samples — the islands belong to India — and by analyzing hair gathered almost a century ago by a British anthropologist, Alfred Radcliffe-Brown. The islands were isolated from the outside world until the British set up a penal colony there after the Indian mutiny of 1857.

Only four of the dozen tribes that once inhabited the island survive, with a total population of about 500 people. These include the Jarawa, who still live in the forest, and the Onge, who have been settled by the Indian government.

Genetic analysis of mitochondrial DNA, a genetic element passed down only through women, shows that the Onge and Jarawa people belong to a lineage, known as M, that is common throughout Asia, the geneticists say. This establishes them as Asians, not Africans, among whom a different mitochondrial lineage, called L, is dominant.

The geneticists then looked at the Y chromosome, which is passed down only through men and often gives a more detailed picture of genetic history than the mitochondrial DNA. The Onge and Jarawa men turned out to carry a special change or mutation in the DNA of their Y chromosome that is thought to be indicative of the Paleolithic population of Asia, the hunters and gatherers who preceded the first human settlements.

The mutation, known as Marker 174, occurs among ethnic groups at the periphery of Asia who avoided being swamped by the populations that spread after the agricultural revolution that occurred about 8,000 years ago. It is found in many Japanese, in the Tibetans of the Himalayas and among isolated people of Southeast Asia, like the Hmong.

The discovery of Marker 174 among the Andamanese suggests that they too are part of this relict Paleolithic population, descended from the first modern humans to leave Africa.

Dr. Underhill, an expert on the genetic history of the Y chromosome, said the Paleolithic population of Asia might well have looked as African as the Onge and Jarawa do now, and that people with the appearance of present-day Asians might have emerged only later. It is also possible, he said, that their resemblance to African Pygmies is a human adaptation to living in forests that the two populations developed independently.

A finding of particular interest is that the Andamanese do not carry another Y chromosome signature, known as Marker RPS4Y, that is common among Australian aborigines.

This suggests that there were at least two separate emigrations of modern humans from Africa, Dr. Underhill said. Both probably left northeast Africa by boat 40,000 or 50,000 years ago and pushed slowly along the coastlines of the Arabian Peninsula and India. No archaeological record of these epic journeys has been found, perhaps because the world’s oceans were 120 meters lower during the last ice age and the evidence of early human passage is under water.

One group of emigrants that acquired the Marker 174 mutation reached Southeast Asia, including the Andaman islands, and then moved inland and north to Japan, in Dr. Underhill’s reconstruction. A second group, carrying the Marker RPS4Y, took a different fork in Southeast Asia, continuing south toward Australia.

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Afrikan apprenticeship & East-Indian indenture

Afrikan apprenticeship & East-Indian indenture

http://poppabear.org/Sharecroppers.JPG
An analysis by
Dr. Kwame Nantambu

This article brakes new ground by providing primary evidence about the Afrikan experience under apprenticeship versus the East-Indian experience under indenture in TnT after the European enslavement of Afrikans was abolished in the British colonies.

Afrikan Arrival Year is 1516.

Indian Arrival Day is 3 May 1845, when “the fatal Rozack, a Muslim-owned vessel, landed 225 Indians at Nelson Island. The Indian Indentured System ended in 1917.

On the other side of the coin, Indian Arrival Day for Guyana is 5 May 1847, when “two small sailing ships, the Whitby and the Hesperus, arrived in Guyana with 400-odd immigrants from India.”

“August 1, 1834 should have been a day of great rejoicing for it was the day laid down for the emancipation of African slaves in the British Caribbean. But August 1, 1834 did not mean emancipation for the African slave in the British Caribbean. Field workers had to submit to six years more working as slaves. Only instead of being called slaves, the slaves would now be called apprentices. For the house slaves, their apprenticeship was for four years.”*

“A fact that cannot be denied is that in heavily populated colonies like Barbados the rigors of apprenticeship were just as cruel as what existed before under the slave system. Apprentices, who refused to work, were sent to workhouses where the punishment was the treadmill, being placed in chains, and forced to wear spiked iron collars.”

“Apprenticeship was a misleading term, since it had nothing to do with training the ex-slave to adjust from a life of servitude to one of taking responsibility for themselves and their families. If anything, it was the plantocracy who were the apprentices. For the truth was that the plantocracy, after almost two centuries of brutal domination based on free slave labour, was not equipped in a commercial sense, to manage the sugar industry or any business service for that matter, in a free society.”

“In fact the British Colonial Office in drafting the Emancipation Act recognised this and was guided by the Minister responsible for colonial affairs who directed that, The great problem to be solved in drawing up any plan for the Emancipation of the slaves in our Colonies, is to devise some mode of inducing the ex-slaves when relieved of the fear of the driver and his whip, to under go and carry out the regular and continuous labour, which is indispensable in carrying on the production of sugar.”

“It is very clear that the British authorities feared that the ex-slaves would simply leave the slave plantation after Emancipation and the sugar producers would be ruined. As a result of this fear, all the planters assemblies, in every colony with the exception of Antigua, all passed a number of police laws to create an apprenticeship system, that forced the ex-slaves to work without payment for 40-1/2 hours a week. However, they could be paid over time when the 40-1/2 hour were exceeded. In reality, few plantation owners paid for overtime and devised all forms of excuses to rob the apprentices.”

“The ex-slaves resisted this apprenticeship device and armed militias were brought in to force them to go back to the plantations. In Barbados and some of the other colonies, ex-slaves were recruited as special police constables and planters left it to them to persuade the rest of the ex-slaves to return to work. Some persuasion – the brutality to which the apprentices were exposed was merciless even though the colonial office sent out special magistrates to see that the apprentices were treated fairly. The Apprenticeship Act, which guided the judgement of magistrates, rendered them incapable of administerinefusing to work were sentenced to workhouses. Under the Emancipation Act physical punishment was forbidden on the plantations. Instead every colony was permitted to set up workhouses. The workhouses were not controlled by the special magistrates but by the parish vestries, controlled by the Church of England.”

“The most usual form of punishment was the treadmill. The treadmill was an instrument of torture introduced from England. Apprentices sentenced to the workhouse, were tied to a bar hanging over a wooden cylinder with steps cut into the circumference. When the brakes were taken off, the cylinder would begin to spin and prisoners had to catch the down coming step or hang by their bodies. To avoid hanging there, the apprentices had to run quickly in order to avoid missing the coming step. The workhouse was a place of torture directed against the ex-slaves who were supposed to be free. In effect, what the ex-slaves had to endure, made a mockery of emancipation. Apprenticeship was more systematic in its cruelty than what occurred on most plantations under the plantation slave system.”

“Under the Apprenticeship Act the apprentices had to work without pay on their plantation. They could not leave their plantations even in their own time. Laws were passed to prevent the free movement of apprentices in a colony. This was made possible by the many Vagrancy Acts, which made it illegal for apprentices to leave the plantation. Other laws prevented apprentices from working independently as carpenters, coopers, masons and blacksmiths. Laws also forbade apprentices from opening small retail shops and from owning fishing boats. The special magistrates had to enforce laws, which were weighted against the interest of the apprentices.”

“It is on record that slavery was abolished in the British Colony on August 1, 1834. This however is very difficult to accept and history books which failed to recognise the apprenticeship period as an extension of the slave system, must be changed.”

“The only redeeming feature of the apprenticeship system was that it held out some hope to an end to slavery. However, because of ill-will created by the 1834 Emancipation Act, few slaves would have had any confidence in believing that they would be granted their freedom in 1838 or 1848 for that matter.”

“Moreover there were no incentives for the slaves to want to stay on the plantations so in anticipation of the ex-slaves leaving the plantations, planters turned to immigration well before 1838. With the help of the British Government a number of immigrant labourers were served from the smaller over populated Caribbean islands with an abundance of slave labour.”

With the legal abolishment of slavery in 1838, labourers brought into the British Caribbean were given the status of indentured immigrants to labour under contract for a fixed period of time. The plantocracy hoped that at the end of the indentured period, the immigrants would settle in their respective colonies to which they were indentured. It was also hoped that they would raise families and provide an ongoing source of labour for the plantations.”

“From the beginning, planters saw the indentured Indian labourer as competition for the ex-slaves labourers and so helped to keep wages down. Ex-slaves (Afrikans) were paid less than indentured labourers were. If the ex-slaves demanded the same equal pay as the indentured labourers (Indians), they would not be entertained. They could not strike; there were no trade unions.”

“The British government was committed to helping the planters in Jamaica, Barbados, Guyana and Trinidad. In addition to other action taken, it gave a loan of 500,000 pounds (or about US $36.8m) these colonies. The assistance of this loan enabled Trinidad and Guyana in particular to engage in large scale Indian immigration.”

Indian immigration came to an end in 1917. By that time 250,000 entered Guyana, 180,000 entered Trinidad with only 40,000 entering Jamaica, hardly any entered Barbados. Indian migrants were offered land at the end of the indenture, and assistance in bringing their families to the colony to which they were assigned.”

“Immigration to the Caribbean was very attractive to East Indians for the following reasons:

The establishment of the British factory system in India had destroyed Indian domestic industries including the spinning of cloth and tens of thousands were thrown out of work.

Famine due to failing crops and high food prices.

The promise of land to farm for themselves.

The promise of higher wages in Trinidad and Guyana. In India, labourers were paid between 1-1/2 to 2-1/2 pence a day. In Trinidad they could earn 2 shillings a day and in Guyana 1 shilling and 9 pence a day.

Criminals escaping from the police and afraid of returning to the village as well as loafers, could go to the colonies.”

“Immigration and in particular Indian immigration, because it was large and continuous, affected the Caribbean in many ways. The impact was most noticeable in Guyana and Trinidad as they received the largest number of immigrants.

It is a sad fact that although the Caribbean is a plural society where the races work together, they do not really mix socially. This goes for all immigrants alike, Africans, Indians, Europeans, Chinese and Portuguese. Friction, both latent and manifest, exists among the various racial groups.”

“Few of the various groups seem to know their own history or the history of the other group. None of them knows about, understands, is even sympathetic to the suffering of the African, or is interested in the African experience on the slave plantations.”

“The East Indian population is in the majority in Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago. There is no sense of awareness of the plight of the Africans in those countries. Having acquired a measure of control of the Agricultural and the private sectors, the leadership of the political directorate of the East Indian population now sees the East – Indianising of the civil service, government agencies and the small, artesian class, now dominated by Africans, to be essential goals in the government programme for equal opportunity. Africans are therefore being displaced and discarded from their positions in these areas of employment with no possibility of alternative employment.”

“It must be recognised that the victory that came with Emancipation was brought on by a number of slave rebellions, across the Caribbean and the Americas. It was the African slaves that had humanised the lands of the Caribbean and Guyana. That is to say the lands were already laid out, canals and trenches were dug, the streets were laid out, all by African slaves lifting mud in millions of tonnes, cutting down trees by hand and making routes of forest land ready for development.”

“It was at this point that two calamities descended upon the heads of the African ex-slave.

1. The African having been crushed by the dehumanisation process of plantation slavery was called “lazy” by the white man because he did not want to go back to the plantation. I have already given very good reasons why he did not want to back to the plantation, but because of that he was called lazy. The same lazy man who had built the plantation without being called lazy now because he does not want to stay on the plantation is called lazy.”

2. “The white man used the “lazy” stereotype given to the ex-slave to commit himself to hiring indentured labour. First he tried Madeira’s Portuguese who wanted to escape famine, then he tried Germans, and even today, we have a few Germans in Guyana. Then he brought in the Chinese, and lastly he brought in the East Indians.”

“In every case whether they were white Portuguese or Asiatic Chinese or ultimately East Indians, they came under conditions of indenture. That is to say, they were protected legally against such things as rape, exploitation, and interference with their religion. The maintenance of their culture was legally agreed upon.” “So they came with tremendous advantages which, allowed them their own family life and their own togetherness, to be protected by the conditions under which they were hired.”

“Now the African slave never, never had anything like this. He came out of a situation, in which all that the indentured people had, under the law of protection had been denied him. Even his name, he could not keep and the institution called the family was forbidden to him. All was lost and even after Emancipation when Christianity, such as it was practiced, was offered to him by what was called the Roman Catholic church and its Protestant off – shoots like the Anglicans, He encountered extreme and blatant discrimination. Although all were supposed to be equal in the sight of God, black people sat at the back of the church while white people sat at the front.”

“The East Indians who came, brought with them a culture, within which, before they left India, black was equated with evil. Therefore, there came with them a ready-ness to despise the black man without the black people knowing this. The Chinese and the Portuguese had their cultures protected by the law. The only people who were not protected in this dreadful cultural dichotomy were the blacks.”

“Therefore, when these new people increased in numbers as the East Indians had in Guyana and Trinidad, they have the arithmetical advantage over black people under the so-called democracy of one man, one vote. They have now increased in numbers to such a point that within this last century, they are in the majority in these countries.”

“We have a similar situation threatening in Guyana and Trinidad were the arithmetic of race has put East Indians in control of what is supposed to be a democracy with one man, one vote. Therefore, we now have a situation where there is no way that the black man will ever regain the political control that he has lost to the arithmetic of numbers.

Today the East Indian is boisterously condemning the blacks for the same thing as the whites used to. “He’s lazy,” “he doesn’t want to work,” “he is a thief”, “he is a dog”. A leading East-Indian had actually gone on television and said so. I have seen the tape. The tape is in the series called “Redemption Song” put out by the British Broadcasting Corporation. There is an episode which is called “How the East Indians came to Guyana and Trinidad” and I invite anybody to look at the episode. They will see East Indians facing the camera in Guyana and saying that these people are black dogs and that they are labourers.”

“The East Indians have introduced the whole caste system where the blacks become the untouchables, and are suppressing black people by alleged democratic principles. These East Indians who have not worked for their freedom, or to build up the plantations and the canals, are now the political rulers.”

“The wealth of these countries came from sugar. And it was that sugar, that wealth, which came from black backs, black sweat and black hands. When you see the monuments of Europe, people do not know that blacks have contributed to their construction. Slave labour was the foundation for one of the largest banking institutions in Europe.

People do not associate Barclay’s Bank for example with slavery because it seems so far removed. Yet Barclays was the name given to a sugar producing island in the Leewards and it was the wealth that they made from sugar that they used to set up their banking system.”

“There is no way that the black people of Guyana and Trinidad will ever gain their own economic and political empowerment and franchisement with any right to go ahead planning things for themselves. There are going to be overrun by the East Indians. Racism in the Caribbean is not only changing in form but East-Indians have now joined white people as the leading players in the process of re-enslaving the African-Caribbean people.”

It must be clearly understood that within the system of European global supremacy or globalisation, Asians are considered “Honourary Whites” or “Quasi Europeans.”

And this is the appropriate designation for the proponents of ethnic supremacy in TnT within this European global schema.

The fact of the matter is that the Euro-British imposed system of apprenticeship was callously designed to cement the Afrikan in a permanent state or status of powerlessness.

But more viciously, the Afrikan was denied any sense of his true history, identity and culture.

In fact, all these three experiences were demeaned, denigrated, devalued and destroyed.

In addition, the Afrikan family unit was totally and purposely destroyed in order to deny the Afrikan any positive sense of kindship, unity, togetherness and community.

The Euro-British placed the Afrikan in “no-man’s land” where he still remains today. This is the most detrimental and mental effect of the European enslavement.

On the other hand, the East Indian was legally allowed to retain his history, identity and culture. All these three experiences remain intact, even today.

The Euro-British imposed system of indenture was a concerted, planned effort to cement the East-Indian in a permanent state or status of power. They enjoy this status in TnT today.

This is the on-going, apocalyptic intifadah the Euro-colonial British government created as a result of Afrikan apprenticeship and East-Indian indenture systems.

As Bro. Malcolm X once observed: “A man who tosses worms in the river is not necessarily a friend of the fish.”

Such has been the reality of the poisonous Afrikan apprenticeship experience in Euro-British colonial TnT.

It is now the same Afrikan ethnic supremist experience under the descendants of indenture in re-colonial TnT.

(*This is an excerpt from Let’s Save the Children by Liqa Maemiran Zacharias with Dr. Ruth E. McAfee, 1st edition, 1998, pp. 71-81. To obtain a copy, call 632-1914.)

Shem Hotep

Dr. Nantambu is an Associate Professor, Dept. of Pan-African Studies, Kent State University, U.S.A. a Public Policy versus Human Needs

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The Story of an Afro-Dalit of India

An Afro-Dalit StoryBy Vijay Prashad

http://www.asiasociety.org/files/DalitsWomen.jpg

On January 30, 1998, I went on air with Ron Daniels for his two-hour radio program on the National Urban Radio Network. The theme for the show was Gandhi and Dr. King, since it was the 50th anniversary of Gandhi’s assassination. After a brief back and forth, we went to the phones. From the first call onward, folks asked about Gandhi’s relationship with the Dalits as well as the condition of Dalits in contemporary India. One caller referred to the Dalits as Black Untouchables and asked if I knew a book by V. T. Rajshekar.

I was very pleased with the experience, mainly because it is rare to find a U.S. audience so informed about things Indian. But I was also curious to know about this interest amongst African Americans for the social struggles of Dalits. I knew that in India the progressive community took a keen interest in the lives of Black Americans, from the time of the 1931 Scottsboro incident through the persecution of Paul Robeson and now with the trials of Mumia Abu Jamal. Solidarity with African Americans is second nature to the Indian Left: when King came to India in 1959, he was overwhelmed by the reception accorded him.

The intimation of solidarity that King felt in India was an aftermath of the great Afro-Asian Conference held at Bandung, Indonesia in 1955 (covered by Richard Wright in a fine book, The Color Curtain). The Bandung Spirit reflects an anti-racist and anti-imperialist experiment with solidarity, one that floundered in the vise of the Cold War. The people who asked about the Dalits, however, did not seem motivated by Bandung. They saw the Dalits as long-lost Africans, people so identified by the color of their skin (if not their genetic roots). I found this puzzling.

I turned to V. T. Rajshekhar’s Dalit: The Black Untouchables of India, first published in 1979, but reprinted in an expanded edition by Clarity Press of Atlanta in 1987. Rajshekar’s book began with the premise that Dalits are part of the African diaspora and that they are the first settlers in the Indian subcontinent. “It is said,” he writes, “that India and Africa was one land mass until separated by the ocean. So both the Africans and the Indian Untouchables and tribals had common ancestors. Besides,” he argues, Dalits “resemble Africans in physical features.”

This was just what R. Rashidi says he saw during his 1999 tour of India. “In Orissa,” he says, “I saw and photographed the blackest human beings I’ve ever seen. In fact, it is my impression that the blackest people were here most highly esteemed and considered better than the others, who were not so dark.” These “blackest human beings” Rashidi identified as the Dalits, the Black Untouchables.

In the mid-1980s, as a young student Rashidi heard Ivan van Sertima speak at UCLA. Van Sertima was already well known for his attempt to show that Africans came to the Americas long before the Europeans. “What we are doing,” he has since said, “is reconstituting the history of African people around the world. We have come to reclaim the house of history.” Van Sertima encouraged an enthusiastic Rashidi to pursue his thoughts about the ancestry of ancient Indians.

“All people came from Africa,” Rashidi argues, “but some people more than others.” He adopts the arguments that humanity begins in Africa (whether in Aramis, Ethiopia, Kanapoi and Allia Bay, Kenya, or the Jukskei River, South Africa). All people are African, he told me, but that was millions of years ago. Some people are African more recently. Dalits fall into that category.

In 1999, Human Rights Watch (New York) published a report on the Dalits (literally broken or oppressed people) of India, a population that now numbers about 160 million. Before the growth of a self-conscious Dalit movement a few decades ago, the terms most commonly used to designate this population were ‘Untouchable’ and “Harijan” (“Children of God,” a term used by Gandhi). Human Rights Watch found that the situation of Dalits was deplorable and called their condition “hidden apartheid.” Despite India’s very progressive laws, HRW found that Dalits do not enjoy the protections to which they are entitled.

“If there are any people more oppressed than Dalits,” Rashidi notes, “I don’t want to see it. Nothing compares to that.” Ken Cooper, who was bureau chief for the Washington Post in New Delhi, notes that “as an African American I used to think American racism was the most stifling obsessive system of oppression in the world, with the exception of what was South African apartheid. After my stay in India, I am sure the caste system was and continues to be worse—it has religious sanction and has been ingrained for 3000 years.” Comparative oppression is not a useful exercise, since each society seems to conjure up its own form of barbarity. Nevertheless, both Rashidi and Cooper make the case quite forcefully that Dalit life is painfully hard.

Little that HRW catalogued is new to either the Dalits or to the many agencies and political organizations who have been at work for social justice in India. As with social justice work elsewhere, there are many factors that prevent the emancipation of the Dalits. The main causes of atrocities against Dalits, the Indian government acknowledges, are “disputes and conflicts arising from land, wages, bonded labour and indebtedness.” Without widespread economic change, any movement for social justice will falter.

Many Dalit groups, taking their cue from civil liberties organizations, ignore much of the economic ground for untouchability. Communist leader Brinda Karat notes that “only Communist inspired movements, enabled by the active participation of Dalits, have led to concrete gains against casteism.” In West Bengal, she shows, the Communist government initiated land reform that now forms “the backbone of Dalit self-respect and dignity in the State.”

If the Dalits, now one-sixth of the Indian population, did forge a united bloc, then it might be easy to fight the power of untouch- ability. However, there are many oppressed communities across the country who are considered Dalit by the government and by scholars, but who do not see unity amongst themselves. In a recent book of synthesis, the Belgian scholar Robert Deliège argues that Dalits “do not constitute a uniform community with its own culture; they are widely integrated into the local communities and share the basic values of these communities. If untouchability can be said to have one primary characteristic, it is this fragmentation, which binds them inexorably to the very communities that reject them.” The Dalit movement, of late, has attempted to forge this unity, and it has found the going rough. In June 1972, the Dalit Panthers was formed in Bombay (named from and inspired by the Black Panthers), a group who attempted to be a main agent of unity. However, it has since degenerated into bourgeois nationalism.

Racialist nationalism, of the sort preached by Rashidi and Rajshekar, is an understandable reaction to racism, but it is not an effective, nor morally defensible, anti-racist strategy. “We say you don’t fight racism with racism,” said the late Black Panther leader Fred Hampton (in 1969 before his assassination by the U.S. government). “We’re gonna fight racism with solidarity.” Rashidi, who has been to India three times, was contrite about the way he represents Dalits in the U.S. “I feel bad about it. I oversimplified to make it palatable to a Black constituency. I’ve given the impression that Dalits are Black people. Dalits, I now find, are a social and economic group, more than a racial group.” Nevertheless, Rashidi holds that “large sections of the Dalits would be seen as Black people if they lived anywhere else” and that the connections between Africans and Dalits “go beyond phenotype.”

In the 1920s, several Black American writers took an interest in the struggles led by M. K. Gandhi. While writing of the non-violence campaign, they also wrote at length about the Dalit struggles for emancipation. Sudharshan Kapur’s Raising Up a Prophet: The African American Encounter with Gandhi (Beacon, 1992) offers a useful catalogue of these writings and of the deep interest taken by African Americans in Dalit lives. However, few African Americans felt the need to seek biological kin with the Dalits, since they argued (like Dr. Howard Thurman) that the two communities “do not differ in principle and in inner pain.”

Seventy years later, Ken Cooper, in Delhi, sought out Dalit intellectuals who soon took refuge in his office. “African Americans and Dalits share a common history of oppression based on skin color,” Cooper says. Skin color, however, is a very unclear mark for oppression, since in India skin color does not directly correlate to one’s caste.

If the basis of oppression is not identical, at any rate two oppressed communities can certainly share strategies of struggle with each other. That King drew from Gandhi is one example of this. Since Dalit rights are enshrined in the Indian Constitution, Cooper wondered what the implications would have been had the Civil Rights movement won that position in the U.S.? Troy Duster of the University of California at Berkeley is currently at work on a comparative project on caste oppression in the U.S., South Africa, and India.

The question of political linkages is of interest to the Black Radical Congress’s International Commission/Caucus (June 19-21, 2000), which will meet to discuss, among other things, the Dalit situation. The BRC and Cooper stay along the grain of W. E. B. Du Bois, rather than Rashidi and Rajshekar. In 1940, Du Bois reflected on his relationship with Africa. “Neither my father nor my father’s father ever saw Africa or knew its meaning or cared overmuch for it,” he wrote. “But the physical bond is least and the badge of color relatively unimportant save as badge; the real essence of this kinship is its social heritage of slavery; the discrimination and insult; and this heritage binds together not simply the children of Africa, but extends through yellow Asia and into the South Seas. It is this unity that draws me to Africa.”

During his 1999 trip to India, Rashidi was greeted by a section from the Communist Party at Trivandrum airport with shouts of “Free Mumia Abu-Jamal” and the moderator at his program in Bhubaneswar read extracts from Claude McKay’s autobiography. Such emblems of internationalism come to us frequently from anti-colonial nationalism. It is no secret that the first Afro-Asian Conference at Bandung (1955) did not attempt to erase differences, but brought different people together on a platform to combat racism and imperialism. The Bandung style, however flawed, provoked people across the world to put their shoulder to the wheel of other people’s struggles, to give solidarity.

Vijay Prashad is assistant professor of International Studies at Trinity College, CT. He is the author of Untouchable Freedom: A Social History of a Dalit Community (Oxford University Press) and Karma of Brown Folk (University of Minnesota Press).

http://www.zmag.org/zmag/articles/march2000prashad.htm

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