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The story of the ‘Caribs and Arawaks’

My family entire family is from Trinbago. Though we have been taught that all the indigenous people of the Americas were wiped out by European Imperialism and Genocide against Indigenous people. There are still many areas in the Caribbean and Central/ South America where not only have they survived but thrived and revived the culture of the Carib and Taino People. I have relatives that are Garifunas my paternal Grandmother being one who migrated to Trinidad at age six with her mother from Dominica one of the strongholds of Garifuna people today. I also have  other branches of my family tree in which  Carib blood survives as well including my Maternal Grandfather who was of Ithiopian descent via his father and Carib via his mother. Below is a brilliant treatise by Kim  Johnson about the unknown history of Carib and Taino people. All Indigenous Americans are descendants of the Original Civilization of the Americas called the Olmec who were predominantly an African people.

The story of the ‘Caribs and Arawaks’

Part 1

By Kim Johnson

T

he story of the Arawaks, the Caribs and the Spaniards is a well known tale told to every Caribbean child. We all, from the least educated to the most widely read, accept it almost instinctively that there were, before the Europeans landed on these our islands, a peaceful and gentle tribe of Amerindians called the Arawaks who had inhabited the entire Caribbean archipelago. So generous and guileless were these people that they embraced the Spaniards and provided every comfort for them, only to be repaid by being mercilessly slaughtered so that within a few decades not one Arawak was alive.

Although it is rarely stated there is a clear implication that, for all of its cruelty, the extinction of this people at the hands of the Spanish could almost be seen as a blessing in disguise.

This is because there was another tribe, a ferocious one called the Caribs, who were on the verge of pouncing on the Arawaks and putting them to an even more horrible end. These Caribs were, you see, eaters of human flesh. Following hard on the heels of the Arawaks, they had gobbled their way up the Caribbean archipelago, settling on each island like a swarm of locusts in a field, and only moving on when they had gorged themselves on every available Arawak. By the time of Columbus’s arrival, the Caribs had eaten their way through the Lesser Antilles and already were licking their chops for the meat walking about in Puerto Rico.

And yet, also instinctively, the distastefulness of that story makes it difficult to swallow. Its nightmare quality seems to represent the final, ultimate indignity perpetrated against the first Caribbean people – already victims of the first holocaust unleashed on the world by European civilization. So we wonder, is that what really happened? Could there not have been be another side to it? Now that the 500th anniversary of Colum-bus’s arrival has passed, perhaps we should look again at the chronicles of the time. Because, having taken our place in the modern world, we must define what we have brought to it. And to do so, what better place to start than at the beginning?

Setting our minds to this task, then, the first matter at hand is the business about the Arawaks: who were they? And the first startling fact we encounter is that when Columbus arrived at Hispaniola there were no people who were called ‘Arawaks’, and there never had been. If you were to go to Santo Domingo today people would tell you that their Amerindian ancestors were the ‘Taino’. Actually, Indians of the Greater Antilles did not call themselves ‘Taino’, no more than they called themselves ‘Arawak’ – that name was given them in 1935 by Sven Loven, a Swedish archaeologist, from the word denoting in the Indian lauguage the ruling class of their society. ——-(1) But let us not quibble: seeing as we do not know what the Greater Antilleans called themselves, we shall make do with Taino.

If the people of the Greater Antilles were not Arawaks, neither did they passively accept Spanish depradations. Most of us are familiar with the story of Hatuey, the chief who organized to fight the Spanish and who was, when captured, burnt at the stake. Repent and go to heaven, they told him as they lit the fire. If there are Spaniards in heaven I would rather go to hell, he replied. Nor was Hatuey the only defiant one. There were several others, men like Guarocuya (Enrique) in Hispaniola, Uroyoan in Borinquen (Puerto Rico) and Guama in Cuba, who confronted the strange, terrifying European weapons – the man-eating dogs, the guns, the mounted soldiers, the naval galleons – with great courage and determination.

Part 2

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as Casas (1559) recorded how, “some of the few Indians in the island (Hispaniola) took courage when they saw that Enrique was still a force. An Indian, whom they called the Ciguayo, rose in rebellion… This Ciguayan was a courageous man, although naked as the others. He obtained a lance made of iron from Castile and I believe a sword also… recruited ten or twelve Indians and with them began to attack the Spaniards in the mines, estates, or country farms, wherever they went in twos or fours or small groups. He killed all those he found, so that he spread panic, terror and a strange fear throughout the island. No one believed himself safe even in the towns of the interior of the island, and all lived in fear of the Ciguayan.” ——-(2)

As we all know, these Indians of the Greater Antilles lost in their war against the invaders. The Ciguayan’s terrorism were a symptom of his helplessnes, for by his time the labour in the mines, starvation, suicide, diseases against which they had no immunity, all of this had almost completely extinguished the Indians on Hispaniola. Although the Indians did not all die on Spanish pikes or under their hunting dogs, it was all premised on the presence of the Europeans, which hinged on military considerations. And the Indians were greatly outmatched by the Spanish in a military sense. It was difficult for them to abandon their crops and wage guerilla warfare. In addition, the Spanish quickly learnt the technique capturing and killing their leaders by trickery. In a general sense we might say that the Indians, whose idea of war entailed not so much killing men as capturing women, were fatally handicapped in responding to the savagery of the Europeans. An analogy might be taken from the Indians of North America who considered a great warrior to be not one who killed the enemy; rather, the hero was one who stole something from him in battle, perhaps his shield, without harming him. The Ciguayan came too late.

Materially, the Indians fought with different weapons from the Spanish; socially and morally, they held different concepts of war.

Thus the ‘peaceful Arawak’ on closer inspection turns out to be nothing other than a dead Taino. “Those who have perpetrated these crimes call the uninhabited places ‘peaceful,” wrote Gonzalo Fernandez de Ovideo y Valdez (1557), who was there at the time and who was far from being an Indian sympathizer. “I feel they are more than peaceful, they are destroyed.” ——–(3)

So now we see where the ‘peaceful’ aspect of the story comes from, but what about the name ‘Arawak’? After all, even the 16th century chroniclers refer to the ‘Aruacs’. Indeed, there are people living in Guyana today called Arawaks. These same people, however, if you enquire, call themselves ‘Lokono’. (That is a word which, in their language, means “the people.” Many, perhaps most, of these tribes call themselves “the people” in the words of their language. What do they call others? The Akawaio, also known as the Kapong, called the Arecuna ‘Kapongbei’ meaning, ‘similar to people’.)

Who were these Lokono? Why were they called Arawaks if, when the Europeans first came, they didn’t call themselves that?

In the 15th century Lokono was just another tribe which lived in villages scattered throughout the northern Guianas, the Orinoco delta, and Trinidad. It was just one tribe among many. In Trinidad alone, in addition to the Lokono, there were the Nepoio, the Yao, the Shebao, the Carinepagoto, and others. Later tribes to migrate to Trinidad included the Kalipunians (California), the Chaimas (Carapachaima), and the Chaguanes (Chaguanas).

There was one distinctive feature about the Lokono, however, (actually the Nepoio – a Cariban speaking tribe – shared this characteristic with them) and that was their close relationship with the Spanish. They exchanged food and slaves for metal tools such as hatchets and by 1520 came to be known as “friends of the Christians.” (4) And one particular Lokono town, described by Oviedo y Valdes as “a famous place, praised by the Indians of the coast,” was called… ‘Aruacay’. (5)

Part 3

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n those days the Spanish were very interested in the pearl fisheries at Margarita and Cubagua and they raided all around for slaves to work there. Girolamo Benzoni, an Italian like Columbus, participated in these raids as a young man and described them in his Historia del Mondo Nuovo (1555): “All along the coast, the Indians came down from the hills to the shore to fish. We therefore used to hide ourselves in places where we could not be seen. We often used to wait all day hoping to take prisoners. When the Indians arrived, we jumped out like wolves attacking so many lambs and made them slaves.” ——–(6)

Already Hispaniola was a wasteland, and the Spanish had turned their attention to other places including Trinidad. That is why, when Antonio Sedeno tried to settle here, the chief named Baucunar felt obliged to gather together several tribes and give the Spanish a sound licking they would not forget for many years. Writing from Cubagua in 1534 Sedeno told the King of Spain that “No one here will now go to Trinidad which has become hateful to Spaniards.” ——– (7)

Nevertheless, nobody was safe from the Spanish, nobody on this Pearl Coast except, for a while, those “friends of the Christians” who dwelt in Aruacay. So while it is true that none of the early chronoclers explain why the Lokono throughout the region began to call themselves “Aruacas” the answer seems to stare us in the face: it was a way of saying to the Spanish, we are the same tribe which feeds you, so give us a break. It had nothing to do with being ‘peaceful’. Indeed, according to Antonio Vasques de Espinoza in 1620, “the tribe of the Aruaca Indians is among the most valiant in those parts; feared for their bravery by their neighbors and adjoining tribes.” ——(8) And when Spanish gratitude for Lokono ;friendliness’ wore thin Espinosa reported that: “for these and other well-grounded reasons they cancelled their fealty to the Spaniards, who had sad need of them; indignant over past abuses, they rebelled; and not a Spaniard dares enter their provinces, under risk of no less than loss of life.”

Already, however, there had become fixed in Spanish eyes, two groups of ‘peaceful’ Indians: the dead Taino and the friendly Arawaks. Strangely enough, though, it took the genius of later centuries to equate the two and label the erstwhile inhabitants of the Greater Antilles ‘Arawaks’. Briefly, in 1782 F.S. Gilij, a missionary, studied 39 languages of Venezuela. He identified nine language families including Cariban and Maipuran. Shortly after him another linguist, Von den Steinen, changed the classification ‘Maipuran’ to ‘Arawakan’ after realizing that the Lokono spoke a dialect of the Maipuran language tree. When Daniel Brinton in 1871 realized that the dialect of the Taino was also an offshoot of Arawakan, the matter was settled: those living in Guyana were henceforth “True Arawaks” and those in the Greater Antilles “Island Arawaks”. But both were ‘Arawaks’!

Why not? Aren’t Frenchmen, Spaniards and Italians really quite alike and could be equated by their common Latin roots? Ah, but France, Spain and Italy have societies more or less similar in economy and in politics. The differences between the Lokono tribal clans and the Taino chiefdoms were vast, more akin to the differences between India and those other societies which speak dialects of Sanskrit, namely the Latins, the Slavs, the Rus-sians, the Celts and the Gauls. Could you say that an English-man is really an Island Indian?

Part 4

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f there were no peaceful Arawaks, what about the warlike Caribs? Who were those Indians from the Lesser Antilles, the ferocious ones with the infamous appetite for barbecued human flesh? Whoever they were they certainly created a greater impact on the European imagination than the so called Arawaks. The Caribbean was named after them, as was the word cannibal and, by anagram, Shakespeare’s Caliban – that “Abhorred slave/Which any print of good-ness wilt not take/Being capable of all ill.”

Who were these Caribs? They first entered the picture as a rumor Columbus had heard from the Taino. “All the people I have met here,” he entered in his diary, “have said that they are greatly afraid of the ‘Caniba’ or ‘Canima’.” ——- (9) Actually we cannot know what Columbus was told because he had a remarkable ability for seeing what he wanted to see and hearing what he wanted to hear. And, after all, the caniba could be “nothing else than the people of the Great Khan, who must be very close by.” ——–(10)

Ovideo y Valdez suggested that the word meant ‘brave’ in Taino language. As much as a century later ‘Carib’ was still sometimes used as an adjective to describe different tribes. Thus, in 1620 Vasquez de Espinosa could say: “The island of Granada is thickly peopled with Carib Indians called Camajuyas, which means lightning from heaven, since they are brave and warlike.” ——(11)

By then, somehow, Columbus’s ‘Caniba’ were being called ‘Caribe’. The English used ‘Caribbees’ ‘Charibs’ or ‘Caribs’, the French used ‘Caraibes’ and, for those on the mainland, ‘Galibis’. Fr. Raymond Breton, who lived amongst the Indians in Dominica from 1641 to 1655, said, however, that the men called themselves ‘Callinago’ and the women called themselves ‘Callipunam’. Today, among anthropologists, the favoured name is ‘Kalina’ but those still living in St. Vincent call themselves ‘Garifuna’.

But if the linguists have clouded the issue of Arawaks with their palaver about Arawakan language speakers, they have also demystified the vulgar ideas about the Carib race, since, we are told, these ‘Caribs’ spoke a dialect of the Arawakan language family. In other words, linguistically the Caribs were really Arawaks and ironically, according to the linguist, Douglas Taylor, “the various but similar words referring to ‘Carib’ may go back to an ancestral kaniriphuna, meaningful in Arawakan but not, I think, in Cariban.”——–(12)

Either way, such was the impression created by the Lesser Antillians that the Spanish and other Europeans took the matter of their eating humans quite seriously. For instance, the story was spread in the 16th century that some Dominican Caribs, after eating a Spanish friar, all fell ill. Thereafter, the Spanish, whenever they stopped off at Carib islands, they made sure to dress their sailors in sackcloth, just in case. The Caribs, it was thought, found Spaniards to be stringy and grisly, as opposed to the French who were rather delicious and the Dutch who tended to be fairly tasteless.

For all its seeming detail Spanish knowledge of Kalina culinary habits was actually negligible, far more so than that of the French. It is true that the Kalina and the Lokono raided each other’s settlements for captives or revenge. And there was practiced, by both tribes, some degree of ritual cannibalism. In the 17th century account of Adriaan van Berkel who lived with Lokono in Berbice, and the 16th century account of Luisa Navarrete who was a Kalina ‘slave’ in Dominica, both tribes after successful raids killed one or two male captives in a victory ritual and put pieces of their flesh into the pot. An arm or a leg was preserved to remind them of their hatred of the enemy. That was more or less the extent of it.

There has a never been found any archaeological evidence as would indicate widespread and systematic cannibalism, evidence such as scorched human bones, bones with knife or saw cuts or which are unnaturally fractured, bones widely scattered. Nevertheless, such niceties were less than appreciated by the conquistadores who needed slaves. And if Queen Isabella had in 1503 prohibited any man “to arrest or capture any Indians… or to do them any harm or evil to their persons or possessions,” she had also consented to the exception of, “a people called Cannibales …(who) waged war on the Indians who are my vassals, capturing them to eat them as is their custom.” What could be more practical for a Spaniard, then, than to discover as many ‘Canni-bales’ as there were Indians. After all, the Queen had explicitly ordered that “they may be captured and taken to these my Kingdoms and Domains and to other parts and places and be sold.”———(13)

In her order Isabella specifically mentioned the coast of Tierra Firme in the region of Colombia, an area which was only visited once previously by Rodrigo de Bastidas who had been peacably received. The Queen’s information, it seems, had come from Uraba la Cosa who deliberately misled her to justify his 1504 voyage of plunder and slaving from Cumana to Uraba.

“If they were cannibals in those days,” queried the french pirate- priest Pere Labat (1722) who knew the Caribs of Dominica intimately, “why are they not cannibals now? I have certainly not heard of them eating people, whether Englishmen with whom the Carib are nearly always fighting, or Allouages Indians of the mainland near the Orinoco with whom they are continually at war.” ——-(14)

The symbolic cannibalism which, it seems, certainly existed must have declined, ironically, after the Europeans arrived on the scene. Thereafter war ceased to be a ritual and became a matter of desperation. No Indian needed a white arm or leg to invoke a hatred for the new enemy.

But the raiding continued, increased even.

Part 5

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nitially, it used to be a village affair that did not interrupt trade. Indeed, as late as the 1870s the tribal hostilities were still very much alive and Edward Im Thurn could observe that, “(members of) each tribe constantly visit the other tribes, often hostile, for the purpose of exchanging the products of their own labour for such as are produced only by the other tribes.” ———(15) The most important item of exchange were, however, women. In an account as early as the famous letter by Dr. Chanca (1493), the court physician who travelled with Columbus on his second voyage, it was observed that they “take as many women as they can (and) keep them as concubines.” ——–(16) There was nothing more valuable to be bought, bartered or stolen.

In a sense, women were, actually and symbolically, the first commodities. Thus, the earliest precious items of exchange, almost functioning, centuries before Columbus, as a money for the diverse tribes reaching from the Amazon to the Greater Antilles, were described by Pierre Barre in 1743 as follows: “This stone is of olive color, of a slightly paler green… The most common shape one gives to this stone is cylindrical, length of 2, 3, up to 4 inches, by six or seven lines in diameter, and drilled their whole length. I have seen some of them that were squaraed, oval, to which one had given the shape of a crescent and imprinted upon it the figure of a toad, or some other animals.” —–(17) Such a stones, the price of a slave, were believed to be the products of a mythic tribe of women who later came to be called the Amazons. They were made of a maleable rock from a special lake – only when taken into the sunlight did the ‘piedras hijadas’ became hard. Frogs, water, greenness, softness, the longditudinal bore, these were the universal Indian symbols of the female.

This prehistoric attitude might have logic foreign to our overcrowded world but, within limits, the prosperity of the neolithic clan was directly in proportion to its size. The wealth and power of a man were judged by the extent of his family. High mortality rates placed a premium on fecundity. Consequently, women were valued for their reproductive capacity. Here lies the true reason for their exclusion from the dangerous business of warfare and hunting even, or rather especially, when it was a matter of survival or extinction. It has nothing to do with women being a weaker sex. And here lies too the true origin of sexual, and all subsequent forms, of inequality.

“The men only hunt, fish, and cut down trees when a new clearing has to be made, which does not happen often, and do other small jobs,” observed Pere Labat, “The women have to do everything else. When the men return from hunting they just throw their game down in the doorway of the carbet, and the women pick it up and cook it, or if they come back from their fishing, they leave the fish in the canoe and not even mention it. The women have to run to the canoe to get the fish and cook it at once, for they are expected to know that the fishermen are hungry. In a word, the women are born servants and remain servants all their lives.”—— (18)

This changed, lost its primitive character, with the appearance of the Europeans. The attrition which the tribes suffered made raiding more vital to augment their declining numbers. At one time the Kalina of Dominica held over 70 captives – Spaniards and negroes, men and women – some of whom had been captured from the ‘Arawaks’ of Trinidad.

Part 6

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hat’s more, Indians began to barter slaves with the Spanish. Girolano Benzoni, after his description of the raid which I quoted earlier, recalled how, “our captain then… led us to the house of a poor chief, a friend of the Spaniards, and giving him a jug of wine, a shirt, and some knives, with civil words entreated him to lead him to a place where slaves could be caught. The chief went off with a party of his men, and returned the following day bringing sixteen Indians with their hands tied behind their backs.” ——–(19) Some Indians, observed Raleigh (1595), “will for three or four hatchets sell the sons and daughters of their own brethren and sisters, and for somewhat more even their own daughters.” ——-(20) Captives of Indians in Dominica, recounted Luisa Navarette who had been one herself, were put to work in tobacco fields. The English and the French bought the tobacco.

The process Luisa witnessed in 17th century Dominica had taken place centuries before at the fringes of the Roman empire and was well underway in western and central Africa: tribes primitive enough to have been relatively egalitarian were evolving into more complex societies. By this process a sexual division of labour geared to reproduction was evolving into a social division of labour geared to commodity production. And this entailed the emergence within the tribes of different classes of people, some of whom exploited the labour of others.

And yet, we must not overstate this case. It was precisely the pristine primitiveness of the Kalina, the fluidity of their societies, which allowed them to wage guerilla warfare for three centuries. The hierarchic Taino chiefdoms of the Greater Antilles, the Aztec state society of Mexico, both having hereditary leaders, were paralysed when these leaders were captured or killed – something the Spanish quickly learned. Even without this, they would have been incapable of resisting for any length of time once their economies were disrupted. That is why many of the Taino died of starvation. Not so the Kalina: they just ran up into the bush, chose a new war leader and returned for revenge.

Thus, in 1560 at Rouen Montaigne met three Indians brought by a navigator from the Amazon. What are the privileges of chiefs, he asked one who had been himself a chief. The Indian replied, “it was to march forward in any time of warfare.”——- (21)

No wonder the Garifuna, a tribe of mixed Carib-African stock, were able to keep the Europeans at bay in St. Vincent until well into the 18th century. They only acceeded to being deported by the British to Honduras in 1797, and even so skirm-ishes continued on the island until 1799. Only in 1803 did the British feel confident enough to offer a reward of $20 “for each Charaib man or woman killed or brought in prisoner.” ———(22)

To my mind, people have not really understood the nature of revenge, seeing it as an aspect of the Indians’ vindictiveness. Imagine a tribe, one so simple that there is really no police or leader or council of elders. How did a man redress an injustice? He took personal revenge, a course of action which easily turned into a feud. Lex talionis, said William Hilhouse describing the Arawaks of Guyana in 1825, “is observed rigidly… Most of the blood feuds originate in jealousy, and the revenge of connubial injuries, of which they are highly resentful.” —–(23) “If anyone among them suffers an injury or affront without endeavouring to revenge himself, he is slighted by all the rest and accounted a coward, and a person of no esteem,” said Rochefort (1658).—–(24) Pere Labat, speaking of the Kalina, was more forceful: “Frown at an Indian and you fight him. Fight an Indian and you must kill him or be killed.” ——- (25)

This individualism was not, as often thought, just a matter of spite ‘it was condition of the Indians’ mode of existence as much as the courts of law are of ours and as such it was practiced quite apart from the varying cultural attitudes, the differences in tribal temperament, such as those noticed by most observers. And consequently this had to be impressed upon the mind of the Spanish. The primitive individualism of the Indians, then, in ways came close to being a definition of freedom.

“Many carib Indians,” complained Antonio de Herreira (1547), the last of the great chroniclers, “were coming from the islands, of Trinidad, Guadeloupe, Dominica, Santa Cruz, Matino, and other islands, causing great damage.” —–(26) And this continued for quite some time. Take the example of the Nepoio named Hierreima whom the Spanish in Trinidad enslaved: he ran away, killed two Spaniards, and thereafter dedicated his life to killing the rest. In 1636 a Netherlander, Jacques Ousiel, wrote: “This Hierreima came to Tobago… offering his services in driving the Spaniards out of the aforesaid island with 100 or 80 white musketeers and 400 Indians that he would add thereto, declaring that as an assurance of his good intentions and purposes, he would leave all their women and children and old men as hostages.” ——-(27)

The ensuing years did see the Spaniards being driven out of all but the three largest islands of the Caribbean. But the spoils of those victories went to the English and the French, not the Indians. So Hierreima is as forgotten as is the Ciguayan. The Lokono and the Kalina, although they are still to be found in the Guianas, their memory has been covered with calumny. And now, looking back, we wonder what was this all about? What remains? Did it only mean that Spain got a few less gold trinkets and pearls and the smaller islands were preserved for the English and the French to later turn them into sugar factories powered with African blood? That the word ‘anthropophagi’ could be replaced by ‘cannibal’? And the memory of the past linger on only as a demeaning myth of peaceful Arawaks and warlike Caribs?

There is another story to be told, one so subterranean that at times it seemed only exist as a dream. We pick up the trail in the writing of Thomas More who set his fictional island of Utopia in the Caribbean where was also located Erasmus’s Fortunate Isles. It was plaited of a thread inspired by the courage and egalitarianism of both Arawaks and Caribs. It first found expression in the startling idea of Las Casas that, “the inhabitants (of Cuba) had the right to wage war on the Admiral and his Christians in order to rescue their neighbors and compatriots.” Symptomatically, it was the French, who colonised the Carib islands, who took it up – Montaigne, Voltaire and then Rousseau’s noble savage. By 1776, the year of the American Revolution, when Abbe Raynal picked up the thread, the Indians had been replaced by Africans. “The slave, an instrument in the hands of wickedness, is below the dog which the Spaniard let loose against the American,” he wrote: “A courageous chief only is wanted.” Those lines were closely read, over and over, by a middle-aged black slave in San Domingue who shared the same dream. His name was Toussaint L’Ouverture and his dream was no less than the dream of freedom.

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Black Women’s Resistance in the US South and South Africa by Pamela Brooks

Black Women’s Resistance in the US South and South Africa by Pamela Brooks

Young women protesting apartheid in South Africa (credit: jpbervoets.com)

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Photographer Ernest Withers doubled as FBI informant to spy on civil rights movement

For any people to be subjugated by any colonial power there must be traitors or those of the subjugated group willing to turn on their  own from Native Americans to European Jews to modern day Iraq the same rules apply. Here is one who turn on his struggle African American Brothers and Sisters to help the enemy.

Photographer Ernest Withers doubled as FBI informant to spy on civil rights movement

By Marc Perrusquia
Published Sunday, September 12, 2010

Chronicler and informant: Ernest C. Withers is shown in 1968 in front of his Beale Street studio. That same year, the respected chronicler of the civil rights era passed photographs and information to a now-defunct wing of the FBI that was spying on Americans. (© Ernest C. Withers Trust, courtesy Decaneas Archive, Boston, Mass.)

At the top of the stairs he saw the blood, a large pool of it, splashed across the balcony like a grisly, abstract painting. Instinctively, Ernest Withers raised his camera. This wasn’t just a murder. This was history.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. stood here a few hours earlier chatting with aides when a sniper squeezed off a shot from a hunting rifle.

Now, as night set over Memphis, Withers was on the story.

Slipping past a police barricade, the enterprising Beale Street newsman made his way to room 306 at the Lorraine Motel — King’s room — and walked in. Ralph Abernathy and the others hardly blinked. After all, this was Ernest C. Withers. He’d marched with King, and sat in on some of the movement’s sensitive strategy meetings.

A veteran freelancer for America’s black press, Withers was known as “the original civil rights photographer,” an insider who’d covered it all, from the Emmett Till murder that jump-started the movement in 1955 to the Little Rock school crisis, the integration of Ole Miss and, now, the 1968 sanitation strike that brought King to Memphis and his death.

As other journalists languished in the Lorraine courtyard, Withers’ camera captured the scene:

Bernard Lee, tie undone, looking weary yet fiery.

Andrew Young raising his palm to keep order.

Ben Hooks and Harold Middlebrook gazing pensively as King’s briefcase sits nearby, opened, as if awaiting his return.

The grief-stricken aides photographed by Withers on April 4, 1968, had no clue, but the man they invited in that night was an FBI informant — evidence of how far the agency went to spy on private citizens in Memphis during one of the nation’s most volatile periods.

Withers shadowed King the day before his murder, snapping photos and telling agents about a meeting the civil rights leader had with suspected black militants.

He later divulged details gleaned at King’s funeral in Atlanta, reporting that two Southern Christian Leadership Conference staffers blamed for an earlier Beale Street riot planned to return to Memphis “to resume … support of sanitation strike” — to stir up more trouble, as the FBI saw it.

The April 10, 1968, report, which identifies Withers only by his confidential informant numberME 338-R — is among numerous reports reviewed by The Commercial Appeal that reveal a covert, previously unknown side of the beloved photographer who died in 2007 at age 85.

Those reports portray Withers as a prolific informant who, from at least 1968 until 1970, passed on tips and photographs detailing an insider’s view of politics, business and everyday life in Memphis’ black community.

As a foot soldier in J. Edgar Hoover’s domestic intelligence program, Withers helped the FBI gain a front-row seat to the civil rights and anti-war movements in Memphis.

Much of his undercover work helped the FBI break up the Invaders, a Black Panther-styled militant group that became popular in disaffected black Memphis in the late 1960s and was feared by city leaders.

Yet, Withers focused on mainstream Memphians as well.

Personal and professional details of Church of God in Christ Bishop G.E. Patterson (then a pastor with a popular radio show), real estate agent O.W. Pickett, politician O. Z. Evers and others plumped FBI files as the bureau ran a secret war on militancy.

When community leader Jerry Fanion took cigarettes to jailed Invaders, agents took note. Agents wrote reports when Catholic Father Charles Mahoney befriended an Invader, when car dealer John T. Fisher offered jobs to militants, when Rev. James Lawson planned a trip to Czechoslovakia and when a schoolteacher loaned his car to a suspected radical.

Each report has a common thread — Withers.

As a so-called racial informant — one who monitored race-related politics and “hate” organizations — Withers fed agents a steady flow of information.

Records indicate he snapped and handed over photos of St. Patrick Catholic Church priests who supported the city’s striking sanitation workers; he monitored political candidates, jotted down auto tag numbers for agents, and once turned over a picture of an employee of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission said to be “one who will give aid and comfort to the black power groups.” In an interview this year, that worker said she came within a hearing of losing her job.

“It’s something you would expect in the most ruthless, totalitarian regimes,” said D’Army Bailey, a retired Memphis judge and former activist who came under FBI scrutiny in the ’60s. The spying touched a nerve in black America and created mistrust that many still struggle with 40 years later.

“Once that trust is shattered that doesn’t go away,” Bailey said.

In addition to spying on citizens, Hoover’s FBI ran a covert operation, called COINTELPRO, a counterintelligence or “dirty tricks” program that attempted to disrupt radical movements. It did this with tactics such as leaking embarrassing details to the news media, targeting individuals with radical views for prosecution or trying to get them fired from jobs. First launched in the 1950s to fight communism, by 1967 it was aimed at a range of civil rights leaders and organizations deemed to be threats to national security. Congressional inquiries later exposed it for widespread abuse of personal and political freedoms, including a fierce campaign against King.

Yet much of the detail of the FBI’s domestic spying, including the inner workings of its informant network in Memphis, remain untold. Tracing Withers’ steps through thousands of pages of federal records reveals substantial new details about the extent of the FBI’s surveillance of private citizens.

In Withers, who ran a popular Beale Street photography studio frequented by the powerful and ordinary alike, the FBI found a super-informant, one who, according to an FBI report, proved “most conversant with all key activities in the Negro community.”

“He was the perfect source for them. He could go everywhere with a perfect, obvious professional purpose,” said Pulitzer Prize-winning historian David Garrow, who, along with retired Marquette University professor Athan Theoharis, reviewed the newspaper’s findings.

Many political informants from the civil rights era were unwitting, unpaid dupes. Yet Withers, who was assigned a racial informant number and produced a large volume of confidential reports, fits the profile of a closely supervised, paid informant, experts say.

“It would be shocking to me that he wasn’t paid,” said Theoharis, author of the books “Spying on Americans” and “The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition”.

“Once you get to this level if you’re a criminal informant versus a source of information they’re at a higher level. They’re controlled. They’re supervised,” said Theoharis, who discerns a valuable lesson in the revelation of Withers’ political spying.

“It speaks to the problem of secrecy. The government is able to do things in the shadows that are really questionable. That goes to the heart of our (democratic) society.”

It’s uncertain what impact the revelation will have on Withers’ legacy. The photographer was lionized in the final years of his life. Four books of his photography were published, exhibits of his work made international tours and a building on Beale Street was named for him. Congressman Steve Cohen proposed a yet-unfunded $396,000 earmark for a museum, set to open next month, to preserve Withers’ archives.

Yet, even 40 years after the fact, the FBI still aggressively guards the secret of Withers’ activities. The one record that would pinpoint the breadth and detail of his undercover work — his informant file — remains sealed. The Justice Department has twice rejected the newspaper’s Freedom of Information requests to copy that file, and won’t even acknowledge the file exists.

Responding to the newspaper’s requests, the government instead released 369 pages related to a 1970s public corruption probe that targeted Withers — by then a state employee who was taking payoffs — carefully redacting references to informants — with one notable exception.

Censors overlooked a single reference to Withers’ informant number. That number, in turn, unlocked the secret of the photographer’s 1960s political spying when the newspaper located repeated references to the number in other FBI reports released under FOIA 30 years ago. Those reports — more than 7,000 pages comprising the FBI’s files on the 1968 sanitation strike and a 1968-70 probe of the Invaders — at times pinpoint specific actions by Withers and in other instances show he was one of several informants contributing details.

Witness accounts and Withers’ own photos provided further corroborating details.

“This is the first time I’ve heard of this in my life,” said daughter Rosalind Withers, trustee of her father’s photo collection, who said she wants to see documentation before commenting at length.

“My father’s not here to defend himself. That is a very, very, strong, strong accusation. ”

A son, Rome Withers, who runs his own Memphis photography business, said he, too, was unaware of his father’s secret FBI work, but doesn’t believe it diminishes his courageous work documenting the civil rights movement.

“He had been harassed, beaten, shot at. He was a victim” who often faced hostile mobs and violent police forces. “At that time, when you are the only black on the scene, you’re in an intimidating state.”

Andrew Young, now 78, said he isn’t bothered that Withers secretly worked as an informant while snapping civil rights history.

“I always liked him because he was a good photographer. And he was always (around),” he said. Young viewed Withers as an important publicity tool because his work often appeared in Jet magazine and other high-profile publications. The movement was transparent and didn’t have anything to hide anyway, he said.

“I don’t think Dr. King would have minded him making a little money on the side.”

* * *

There was a time in 1968 and 1969 when Lance “Sweet Willie Wine” Watson was considered the most dangerous man in Memphis. As “prime minister” of the Invaders, a self-styled militant organization whose rhetoric included overthrowing the government, Watson frightened black and white Memphians alike. The FBI assembled a huge file on him.

Today, Watson, who goes by the name Suhkara Yahweh, is more conciliatory. He runs a community development organization in his impoverished South Memphis neighborhood and ministers to youths and the needy.

Still, he decorates his living room with mementos: A bumper sticker reading “Damn the Army, Join the Invaders”; a glass case containing a military-styled jacket with “Invaders” emblazoned on the back; and a portrait of Ernest Withers displayed prominently over his fireplace.

“That’s my daddy,” Yahweh, 71, said one afternoon last winter, relating how Withers often gave him money and advice.

“If he was (an informant) I don’t know anything about it … He would call me his son. Right now, I’m still part of the family. I talked to Rome (son Andrew Jerome Withers) just the other day. I talked to (Ernest) on his death bed.”

It’s a testament to the FBI’s effectiveness that the dreaded “Willie Wine” had no clue that Withers was constantly informing on him.

Wine was in Atlanta possibly to “con” money out of the SCLC, reports indicate the informant told agents. He reported Wine’s girlfriend was pregnant; that Wine was a thief. That Wine and his cohorts had cat-called voting rights activist Fannie Lou Hamer at a gathering at old Club Paradise.

As informant ME 338-R, Withers had plenty to tell the FBI in November 1968 when Willie Wine and others seized the administration building at LeMoyne-Owen College. What started as a dispute over student grievances escalated into rebellion when student leaders called in the Invaders and the local chapter of the radical anti-war group, Students for a Democratic Society.

Withers, who shot pictures of the crisis for Jet and was seen by newsmen going into Brown Lee Hall the night of the takeover, told FBI agents that Wine planned and directed the operation.

ME 338-R said the building was held “in a state of siege” with school president Hollis Price inside, according to a Nov. 27, 1968, FBI report. Although local news accounts made no mention of weapons, the informant said occupants “definitely had a single-barrel 12-gauge shotgun, a rifle with a telescopic sight, a bayonet, at least one Derringer, and one pistol” — details confirmed by another FBI source that night and Willie Wine 42 years later.

“I carried a .25-caliber pistol,” the ex-militant recalled. The only time he used his gun that night was when another Invader rifled through an administrator’s cabinet. “I pulled out my pistol. I said we’re not here for that purpose,” he said.

No charges were filed after officials at the private school chose not to prosecute.

Over time, however, the FBI would break the Invaders. Utilizing tips from Withers and other informants plus three undercover Memphis police officers who had infiltrated the group, authorities prosecuted as many as 34 Invaders on charges ranging from petty street crime to arson and the sniper wounding of a police officer.

Although one undercover cop was famously exposed, the Invaders seemed to have little clue about Withers, who often visited the group’s headquarters on Vance and shot publicity photos for them.

“Ernest, he was a dear friend,” said Charles Cabbage, who founded the Invaders in 1967. Like Wine, Cabbage kept a memento on the wall, a picture Withers took in 1968 of Cabbage as a radical.

“Anytime he’d see us, he’d start snapping,” Cabbage recalled. Cabbage, interviewed last winter, four months before his death in June at age 66, said he’d come to wonder what Withers was really doing.

“C’mon man. We weren’t that interesting. Why would he take our pictures constantly?”

As the FBI cast its net, it encountered a range of people whose beliefs and personal details landed in the bureau’s spy files despite little more than a tangential connection to the Invaders.

An Aug. 7, 1969, report shows the FBI collected 14 photographs of Father Charles Mahoney of St. Patrick Catholic Church. Notations on the report, along with other corroborating details, indicate Withers shot the photos and handed them over to agents. The report quotes the informant as saying Mahoney “is a close friend” of Invaders defense minister Melvin Smith and notes that Mahoney and two other priests allowed the Invaders to use church facilities.

“The FBI was off base on the civil rights thing,” one of those priests, Charles Martin, said in a recent interview. An urban outreach ministry brought St. Patrick in regular contact with the Invaders. And when the priests there openly supported the sanitation strike, there was a backlash, Martin said.

“We were for the workers, the sanitation workers. And a lot of people in the town didn’t like us for that.”

* * *

The Rev. James M. Lawson came into the FBI’s focus in early 1968 during the height of the sanitation strike. It was Lawson, then pastor at Centenary Methodist, who invited Dr. King to Memphis, where he spoke in support of 1,100 sanitation workers who had walked off the job to protest low pay and horrid working conditions that led to the deaths of two men.

“If one black person is down, we are all down!” King told 15,000 cheering people at Mason Temple the night of March 18, 1968.

Near the speaker’s podium, the ubiquitous Withers snapped photos. Images he shot that night would stand as timeless icons of the strike alongside those he took of marching sanitation workers carrying “I Am A Man” placards and National Guard troops policing Downtown streets.

But the stout photographer with a chatty personality and quick smile had another, nonpublic, appointment that day, a secret meeting in which the topic was his friend, Rev. Lawson.

Earlier that afternoon, Withers met with FBI agents Howell Lowe and William H. Lawrence, who ran the bureau’s Memphis domestic surveillance program. A report summarizing the meeting indicates informant ME 338-R handed over a newsletter listing names and photographs of community leaders behind the strike — a virtual directory of strike-support organizers — and told agents who produced it.

“Informant pointed out that the paper is printed or laid out by Rev. Malcolm D. Blackburn … pastor of Clayborn AME Temple … The main editorial work therein is done by Rev. James M. Lawson Jr.,” the report said.

Withers had a lot to say about Lawson, a veteran civil rights leader and friend who marched during the strike alongside Withers’ wife, Dorothy, and his daughter, Rosalind.

He portrayed Lawson as the type of left-leaning radical the government had come to fear — active in the anti-war movement, involved with the feared Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and someone who was planning a trip to the East Bloc nation of Czechoslovakia.

“I’m not surprised,” Lawson, now 81, said this month when told of Withers’ informant work. Lawson said “the police and FBI were very clever about entrapping” blacks and making them informants.

“Any activity in the black community, Ernie was going to be around,” Lawson said. “It was probably done innocently: ‘You just tell us what’s going on and what you see and you get paid for it.’ ”

Lawson’s was one of many biographies the informant would flesh out for agents.

Reports linked to Withers show he was a font of information for the FBI during the strike, handing over documents, providing details from strategy meetings, connecting dots between pastors and suspected militants.

The informant told agents on March 6 that young militants — Cabbage among them — passed out literature at a rally at Clayborn Temple with instructions for making Molotov cocktail firebombs. Mainstream leaders “did nothing” to stop them, the report said.

On April 3, the day before King’s murder, the informant passed on details about a high-level strategy session at the Lorraine between Cabbage and King, who begrudgingly decided to give the young militants a role in the strike.

Well into the summer, after the strike was settled, ME 338-R continued to report on its impact. That July 26, the informant gave FBI agents a financial report showing the strike-leadership group, Community on the Move for Equality, had spent $2,600 of $347,000 raised for striking workers to pay attorney’s fees and expenses for members of the militant Black Organizing Project, an umbrella group encompassing the Invaders.

As Hoover cranked up his campaign against “black nationalist hate groups,” anyone giving aid — money, jobs, political support — could fall into the crosshairs of COINTELPRO, the FBI’s dirty tricks campaign.

The FBI had been spying on the civil rights movement for years, but in an August 1967 memo, backed by a more thorough order the following March, the bureau directed Memphis and other field offices to begin efforts to “to expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit or otherwise neutralize” a range of civil rights leaders and organizations, from the separatist Nation of Islam to King’s moderate SCLC.

In May 1968 a similar initiative was launched against the so-called “New Left,” targeting Vietnam War protesters and socialists, among others.

A U.S. Senate investigation in 1975 found widespread abuse in the program, which lacked statutory or executive approval. COINTELPRO techniques ranged from contacting an employer to get a target fired to mailing an anonymous letter to a spouse alleging infidelity, leaking humiliating information to the press, encouraging street warfare between violent groups and alerting state and local authorities to a target’s criminal law violations.

Available records provide few details on specific COINTELPRO actions taken in Memphis. Yet, records indicate Withers fed agents plenty of raw material.

A schoolteacher loaned militant Cabbage his car, the informant said. Mary L. Campbell, a supposed black-power sympathizer, was running for the county Democratic Party’s executive committee. Real estate agent O.W. Pickett, who’d brought food to the Invaders during the LeMoyne takeover, was thinking of running for Congress. Pastor Malcolm Blackburn and activist Baxton Bryant were trying to find jobs for the Invaders.

A May 13, 1968, report indicates Withers gave the FBI two photos of Rosetta Miller, a field worker for the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, telling an agent she is “one who will give aid and comfort to the black power groups.” Following up that fall, an agent typed a two-sentence report memorializing a rumor that Miller had recently married, noting the marriage broke up after just a week. The report was copied to Withers’ informant file.

Interviewed this spring, Miller, who now lives in Nashville, said her job with the commission came into jeopardy in 1968 when supervisors questioned her about ties to radicals.

“I was never part of that crap,” she said.

Marquette’s Theoharis, who worked with the Senate committee that exposed many of the FBI’s abuses, said employment sabotage was a particularly insidious COINTELPRO tactic.

“Once, (the FBI) got someone dismissed as a Girl Scout leader. It was crazy,” he said.

Records reviewed by the newspaper offered few details of the secretive COINTELPRO initiative. Yet, frustrated by continuing support for the Invaders, the FBI clearly was considering such actions in May 1969 against the African Methodist Episcopal Church.

“All sources have been alerted to attempt to pinpoint any actual proof that employees of the AME Church are giving financial support to the Invaders,” said a May 8, 1969, report to headquarters in Washington.

“…If such proof is forthcoming separate communication will be written to the Bureau concerning any possible counterintelligence action which might be instituted with certain AME high church officials in this regard.”

* * *

Available files don’t indicate how or when Withers first teamed with the FBI.

But it would have been hard for the bureau to have overlooked him.

Withers served as a city police officer, hired in 1948 along with eight other African Americans who composed MPD’s first black recruit class. He didn’t last long. He was fired in 1951 for taking kickbacks from a bootlegger.

By the early 1950s, Withers was making a name for himself on Beale Street, where he had operated since the mid-40s, chronicling the teeming night life and the everyday life of black Memphis. By night, he hung with bluesmen like B.B. King, Bobby “Blue” Bland, Junior Parker and Rufus Thomas and, by day, he shot family portraits, weddings, church socials, political gatherings and sporting events, assembling one of the great Negro League baseball portfolios.

“He knew everybody,” recalled Coby Smith, a political activist who founded the Invaders with Cabbage and who would come to form his own suspicions.

Across the street from Withers’ studio, attorney H.T. Lockard ran a law office. When Lockard became president of the Memphis branch of the NAACP in 1955, a visitor started coming by — Bill Lawrence of the FBI.

In an interview for this story, Lockard, now a 90-year-old retired judge, spoke for the first time about his three-year association with Lawrence, a bespectacled G-man who came to Memphis in 1945 and ran the bureau’s local domestic intelligence operations in the 1950s and ’60s. In the ’50s, as the Red scare was at its peak, the FBI kept close watch on the NAACP and other civil rights organizations believed susceptible to communist infiltration.

“Because of the nature of the work I was doing, there was a suspicious feeling that I was either a communist or a communist sympathizer,” Lockard said.

Like so many others recruited by the FBI, Lockard said agent Lawrence showed up uninvited and made regular unannounced visits to his law office with no evident purpose. “One stock question was how was I getting along,” he said.

Over a period, the agent asked if a certain suspected communist had joined the local NAACP. Eventually, the man named by Lawrence applied for membership. Lockard said he declined to enroll him.

It’s unclear if the FBI considered Lockard an informant. He said he was never paid. The FBI visits stopped in 1957, when Lockard left the NAACP helm, yet he said he developed “an amiable camaraderie” with Lawrence that included exchanging Christmas cards for years after the agent retired in 1970. Lawrence died in 1990.

Around the time Lawrence began calling on Lockard, Withers began his long and remarkable career chronicling the civil rights movement.

In 1955, Withers covered the murder of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old African American who was beaten, shot and tossed in a river in Money, Miss., for whistling at a white woman.

The injustice of the crime — the defendants, both white, were acquitted by an all-white jury yet later confessed in a paid magazine interview — built the foundation of Withers’ fame. Defying a judge’s order that banned picture-taking during the trial, Withers captured the moment Till’s great-uncle Mose Wright stood up at the witness stand and pointed an accusing finger at the killers.

The Till case helped galvanize the movement, and Withers soon had a wide array of assignments covering civil rights.

As a freelancer for the Sengstacke family, publishers of the Chicago Defender and the Tri-State Defender in Memphis, Withers covered many of the seminal events of the era. He was beaten by police covering Medgar Evers’ 1963 funeral and harassed in small-town Mississippi following the 1964 murders of three Freedom Summer activists in Neshoba County. He snapped pictures of King and Abernathy riding the first integrated bus in Montgomery in 1956 and photographed King in 1966 casually reclining in his room at the Lorraine where he would die two years later.

Trained in photography in the Army during World War II and equipped with a bulky twin reflex camera, Withers lacked technical skill yet managed to take profoundly powerful images, largely through his resourcefulness and unusual access.

Locally, Withers chronicled all the significant events, the Tent City voter registration drive in Fayette County, the desegregation of Memphis City Schools and the Downtown sit-ins of 1960.

It was around then that the FBI’s Lawrence began showing up at the NAACP offices, recalls Maxine Smith, the organization’s longtime executive director in Memphis.

“We thought it was for our protection. We had nothing to hide,” Smith said. “Somewhere along the line we began to suspect” differently, she said.

What Smith and others didn’t know was that by 1963 the FBI had begun wiretapping King, initially because of the civil rights leader’s ties to adviser Stanley Levison, a suspected communist. The FBI tapped King’s phones, bugged his hotel rooms and, in one infamous episode, mailed surreptitious audio recordings including a taped sexual liaison to his Atlanta home along with a letter suggesting he commit suicide.

By 1967, as more-militant wings spun out of the movement, the FBI launched a “ghetto informant program” recruiting “listening posts” within the black community, many of them white shopkeepers and businessmen. Increasingly, headquarters pushed agents like Lawrence to develop information from black leaders.

“He used to come out here a whole lot, right here,” Smith said in the living room of her South Parkway home. Smith told how Lawrence, a music lover, fostered a relationship through her late husband Vasco Smith’s expansive jazz collection. When a 1981 book revealed the couple’s relationship to the FBI, the Smiths sued — and lost. Still passionate about the issue, Smith argues she and her husband were never paid.

“Nobody has ever offered Vasco or me one penny. No one dare say that,” she said.

Benjamin Hooks, the former national NAACP director, agreed with her assessment.

“I don’t know if anyone is trying to say they were snitches. If that’s what they’re saying that is a lie,” Hooks said in January, 11 weeks before he died. “You couldn’t stop the FBI from coming and talking to you. If you did, they’d make it up anyway. They were talking to Maxine and Vasco and Hooks all the time.”

When details of the FBI’s domestic spy program later leaked in congressional hearings, officials said there were just five paid racial informants working in Memphis in 1968. Officials have never disclosed the identities of those informants; it’s unknown if Withers was included in that group.

“I’d like to know who those devils are,” Smith said.

* * *

Perhaps the last man with firsthand knowledge of Withers’ covert life, retired FBI agent Howell Lowe, opted to take his secrets to the grave.

“I won’t have my name connected with this,” Lowe told a reporter last year, rejecting an interview for this story. He died Jan. 1 at age 83. Although Withers had died two years earlier, Lowe said he feared that discussing the photographer’s informant work might harm his survivors.

“Some of the things we did were sleazy. We were fighting what we thought was the possibility of uprising in this country,” Lowe said.

Lost, too, to history are Withers’ motives. A federal source who first told a reporter about the photographer’s secret life several years ago said Withers, who raised eight children and struggled financially, had a primary motive — money.

That same source said Withers’ secret informant status came dangerously close to exposure in 1978 when Congress re-examined the FBI’s investigation of King’s assassination. At the time, revelations about COINTELPRO and the FBI’s treatment of King caused many Americans to wonder if Hoover’s hatred of the civil rights leader somehow morphed into an assassination plot. The U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations eventually found the FBI had nothing to do with the murder.

Yet, with the FBI’s Memphis office on trial, Lowe’s partner, agent Lawrence, testified before the committee on Nov. 21, 1978, speaking of a valued informant who “provided information on racial matters generally and the Invaders in particular.” The informant, paid up to $200 a month, helped track King in the days before his murder.

Lawrence said he frequently gave his informant instructions ahead of time, giving him names and topics to look out for and conferring almost daily with him during the sanitation strike.

“I would call him if I had occasion to alert him to something,” Lawrence testified. “Otherwise, I would hope that he would call me, which he frequently did. Then periodically we would meet in person under what we hoped were safe conditions to personally exchange information, go over descriptions, any photographs, things of that nature.”

Was Lawrence discussing Withers? The congressional record is unclear. Nonetheless, as an FBI informant with a symbol number and a large volume of assignments, Withers would have been handled in a similar fashion, experts said.

“These are individuals who are going to be directed and paid… They saw you as a valuable source and a continuing source,” said Theoharis, the retired Marquette professor.

Researchers who study the government informant system say patriotism, desire to do police work, thrill-seeking and money often are motivating factors. Withers had served in the Army in World War II. In addition to serving briefly as a police officer, he ran successfully for Shelby County constable in 1974 and later was appointed a gun-carrying agent of the Tennessee Alcoholic Beverages Commission.

Withers’ legal troubles also can’t be discounted as a possible motive. Withers would claim late in life he was set up in the 1951 kickback incident while working for MPD, yet his police personnel file contains transcripts that reveal admissions by Withers and detailed witness accounts supporting the allegations. He was fired but never charged criminally.

Years later, in 1979, he faced similar charges, this time in federal criminal court. Then-ABC agent Withers pleaded guilty to extorting kickbacks from a nightclub owner.

Regardless of his motives, the revelation of Withers’ FBI work doesn’t harm his memory for some who knew him.

“It does not alter who he was a person,” said ex-Invader Coby Smith. “He did so many more things. That wasn’t a fulltime thing to be an informant for them.”

Rev. Lawson agreed. “It won’t tarnish his memory for his family and friends.”

– Marc Perrusquia: 529-2545

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Obama and His Family Tied to CIA for Years

Malcolm X said in the video below So I will let him tell it.

Obama and His Family Tied to CIA for Years

By Sherwood Ross

http://thesietch.org/mysietch/keith/files/2008/11/simply-barack-obama.jpg
President Obama – as well as his mother, father, step-father and grandmother – all were connected to the Central Intelligence Agency – possibly explaining why the President praises the “Agency” and declines to prosecute its officials for their crimes.

According to a published report in the September Rock Creek Free Press of Washington, D.C., investigative reporter Wayne Madsen says Obama’s mother Ann Dunham worked “on behalf of a number of CIA front operations, including the East-West Center at the University of Hawaii, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and the Ford Foundation.” The East-West Center had long been affiliated with CIA activities in the Asia-Pacific region, Madsen says.

What’s more, Obama’s father, Barack Obama Sr., arrived in Hawaii from Kenya as part of a CIA program to identify and train Africans who would be useful to the Agency in its Cold War operations against the Soviets, Madsen says. Obama Sr. divorced Ms. Dunham in 1964.

Ms. Dunham married Lolo Soetoro the following year, a man Madsen says assisted in the violent CIA coup against Indonesian President Sukarno that claimed a million lives. Obama’s mother taught English for USAID, “which was a major cover for CIA activities in Indonesia and throughout Southeast Asia,” Madsen reports. That USAID was a cover for CIA covert operations in Laos was admitted by its administrator Dr. John Hannah on Metromedia News. Madsen says the organization was also a cover for the CIA in Indonesia.

Ms. Dunham worked in Indonesia at a time when Midwest Universities Consortium for International Activities(MUCIA) – a group that included the University of Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan State, Minnesota and Indiana – was accused of being a front for CIA activities in Indonesia and elsewhere. Ms. Dunham traveled to Ghana, Nepal, Bangladesh, India and Thailand “working on micro-financing projects” for the CIA, Madsen reports.

And Ms. Dunham’s mother, Madelyn Dunham – who raised Obama while his mother was on assignment in Indonesia – acted as vice president of the Bank of Hawaii in Honolulu, which Madsen says was used by various CIA front entities. She handled escrow accounts used to make CIA payments “to U.S.-supported Asian dictators” including Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, South Vietnamese President Nguyen van Thieu, and President Suharto in Indonesia, Madsen says.

“In effect, the bank was engaged in money laundering for the CIA to prop up covertly its favored leaders in the Asia-Pacific region,” Madsen writes. “It is clear that Dunham Soetoro and her Indonesian husband, President Obama’s step-father, were closely involved in the CIA’s operations to steer Indonesia away from the Sino-Soviet orbit after the overthrow of Sukarno.”

“President Obama’s own work in 1983 for Business International Corporation, a CIA front that conducted seminars with the world’s most powerful leaders and used journalists as agents abroad, dovetails with CIA espionage activities conducted by his mother,” Madsen says. “There are volumes of written material on the CIA backgrounds of George H.W. Bush and CIA-related activities by his father and children, including former President George W. Bush. Barack Obama, on the other hand, cleverly masked his own CIA connections as well as those of his mother, father, step-father, and grandmother,” Madsen points out.

A review of the influence on the Oval Office by the CIA, particularly since the presidency of Bush Sr., a former director of the Agency, it becomes apparent the Agency has played a major role in the shaping of U.S. foreign policy – a role that has been largely kept secret from the American public and one which most Americans would not have approved. The CIA’s overthrow of the democratic government of Iran in 1953 is an example. The overthrow occurred after the Iranian government nationalized the oil industry following alleged cheating on payments by contractor British Petroleum, then known as Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. For another, the CIA’s widespread use of illegal rendition and torture of suspects is repugnant to Americans who still believe in their Constitution.

Sherwood Ross has worked for major dailies and wire services and served in an executive capacity in the U.S. civil rights movement. He currently is active in the anti-war movement and operates a public relations firm for good causes.


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Afro-Chileans seek recognition in Census

Afro-Chileans seek recognition in Census

By Daniela Estrada

afro-chileans_1.jpg

Graphic: Tamiko G. Muhammad

SANTIAGO (IPS) – Concentrated mainly in the arid northern region of Arica y Parinacota, Chile’s small Black population is seeking formal recognition as an ethnic group and inclusion on the 2012 census form, to put an end to what they describe as “structural discrimination.”

“People of African descent have always fought against structural racism, not only in Chile but throughout the Americas,” Cristián Báez, head of Lumbanga, one of the three groups that make up the Afro-Chilean Alliance, told IPS. “The fact that we do not even exist in the statistics is a result of that racism.”

In his view, “Chile has failed to really see itself as a country where different cultures coexist,” even though eight indigenous groups were legally recognized in 1993. (A ninth was added in 2006.)

Chileans who identify as Blacks live mainly in Arica y Parinacota, the northernmost region in this long narrow South American country. The region is known for its cultural diversity. There are also Afro-Chilean families in the north-central region of Coquimbo, principally in the towns of Salamanca and Ovalle, Mr. Báez said.

Last year, the three organizations comprising the Afro-Chilean Alliance—Lumbanga, Oro Negro (Black Gold) and Arica Negro (Black Arica)—carried out a survey of 500 families. Although the final results are not yet available, the preliminary estimate is that there are more than 8,000 people of African descent in Arica y Parinacota.

Fabiana Del Popolo, an expert on population issues with the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), pointed to the high poverty levels among Blacks in Chile.

“We know very little about the situation in Chile precisely because we don’t have statistics,” she commented to IPS. “What I have been able to observe on my field visits is that people of African descent definitely suffer significant poverty and marginalization.”

The Afro-Chilean community is “invisible and ignored at the national level,” concurred José Manuel de Ferrari with Corporación Participa, a non-governmental organization that supports the Afro-Chilean Alliance in its efforts to influence politics.

“Their institutional and legal inexistence leads to their exclusion from public policies that target other vulnerable groups, like indigenous peoples,” and this translates into “marginalization and discrimination,” he told IPS.

Mr. Báez said that when he travels to Santiago, people think he is from another country, like Peru, Ecuador, Brazil or Cuba. On one occasion he was nearly attacked by a group of neo-Nazis because of the color of his skin, he said.

“People of African descent have been in Chile since the dawn of colonialism,” Mr. de Ferrari said. “Towards the end of the colonial period, Blacks were estimated to represent more than 12 percent of the population, and up to 20 percent in some regions.”

Later, as a result of the 1879-1883 War of the Pacific, which pitted Chile against Peru and Bolivia, the Peruvian province of Arica was annexed by Chile and its significant Black population became part of this country.

“Lastly, towards the end of the 20th century there was a new wave of immigration to Chile from other Latin American countries, mainly of people coming here because of economic troubles—an influx that has included people of African descent,” he said.

“The situation is thus both strange and unfair,” Mr. de Ferrari said. “Afro-Chileans are here, they exist, but we don’t see them or take them into account.”

As one of the country’s few Black public figures, Chilean footballer Jean Beausejour has helped bring visibility to the Afro-Chilean community. Mr. Beausejour, a midfielder for Mexico’s America club and a member of Chile’s 2010 FIFA World Cup squad, has a Haitian father and a Mapuche mother.

In their argument that they should be included as a category in the next census, Afro-Chileans point to their shared African ancestry, and to the survival of certain traditions, such as the ones based on religious syncretism.

They also stress that Chile has signed and ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and International Labour Organization Convention 169 concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples.

A draft law that would recognize the existence of the Afro-Chilean ethnic group, introduced in Congress in August 2009, states that the country’s folklore, music and national dances contain “African features” and that the national language and cuisine have also been enriched by the heritage of African slaves.

This “silent past has not been taken into consideration in formal educational programs,” says the draft law, which would incorporate the subject in school curricula.

The country’s first Afro-Chilean community development office began to function in June in the city of Arica, headed by Mr. Báez, who described it as “a historic achievement.”

The Afro-Chilean Alliance has met with the official in charge of the 2012 census form in the National Institute of Statistics (INE), and will participate in a seminar in August where different social groups will outline their demands for the census, which is carried out every 10 years.

Latin America is home to some 120 million people of African descent, 23 percent of the regional population, according to ECLAC estimates cited in the book “Afrodescendientes en América Latina y el Caribe: del reconocimiento estadístico a la realización de derechos” (Afro-Descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean: From statistical recognition to the realization of rights), of which Ms. Del Popolo was one of the authors.

“Black” or “Afro-descendant” is one of the racial categories on census forms in other Latin American countries like Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua.

“In the current round of censuses, more countries are incorporating the category, like Panama, which carried out its census in May, Argentina, Uruguay, and probably Bolivia,” said Ms. Del Popolo, who underlined how important it is for all countries to provide such information.

“This is a crucial moment,” said Mr. Báez, noting that this year Chile celebrates the 200th anniversary of its independence from Spain, and that the United Nations and the Organization of American States declared 2011 as the International Year for People of African Descent.

source
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Happy Independence Day Trinbago!

The National Anthem of Trinidad and Tobago

http://www.flags.net/images/largeflags/TRTB0001.GIF

The National Anthem was written to celebrate Trinidad and Tobago’s independence from Great Britain on August 31, 1962. A nation-wide contest was held in search of the best anthem to accompany this momentous occasion. The winner of the contest was Patrick Stanisclaus Castagne. Apart from composing our national anthem, Castagne wrote other songs like “Kiss Me for Christmas,” “The Iceman” (a popular Road March hit in 1960), “Nimble like Kimble” and “Hyarima: A Caribbean Rhapsody”. Castagne has held several posts in the government of Trinidad and Tobago. He is also the holder of a Chaconia medal and the British MBE.


Patrick S. Castagne

Download Real Player to listen to the National Anthem

Steel Orchestra
Choir with Police Band
Conventional Orchestra
source
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Lest We Forget: Chronology of Events at Rosewood

A Documented History Of the Massacre which occured at Rosewood, Florida, in January 1923, was submitted to the Florida Board of Regents on December 22, 1993 from The Rosewood Report

A burning cabin near Rosewood, FL, January 4, 1923.A burning cabin near Rosewood, Florida,
January 04, 1923

A Chronology of Events

Date

08/05/20
Four black men in McClenny are removed from the local jail and lynched for the alleged rape of a white woman.

11/02/20
Two whites and at least five blacks are killed in Ocoee in a dispute over voting rights. The black community of Ocoee is destroyed, 25 homes, 2 churches, and a Masonic Lodge.

02/12/21
A black man in Wauchula is lynched for an alleged attack on a white woman.

12/09/22
A black man in Perry is burned at the stake, accused of the murder of a white school teacher. A black church, school, Masonic Lodge, and meeting hall are burned.

12/31/22
On New Year’s Eve a large Ku Klux Klan Parade is held in Gainesville.

01/01/23
Early morning: Fannie Taylor reports an attack by an unidentified black man.

Monday afternoon: Aaron Carrier is apprehended by a posse and is spirited out of the area by Sheriff Walker.

Late afternoon: A posse of white vigilantes apprehend and kill a black man named Sam Carter.

01/02/23
Armed whites begin gathering in Sumner.

01/04/23
Late evening: White vigilantes attack the Carrier house. Two white men are killed, and several others wounded. A black woman, Sarah Carrier is killed and others inside the Carrier house are either killed or wounded. Rosewood’s black residents flee into the swamps. One black church is burned, and several unprotected homes.

Lexie Gordon, a black citizen of Rosewood, is murdered.

01/05/23
Approximately 200-300 white men from surrounding areas begin to converge on Rosewood. The negro section is destroyed by fire.

Mingo Williams is murdered.

Governor Cary Hardee is notified, and Sheriff Walker reports that he fears “no further disorder.” The Sheriff of Alachua County arrives in Rosewood to assist Sheriff Walker.

James Carrier is murdered.

01/06/23
A train evacuates refugees, the Rosewood families, to Archer and Gainesville.

01/07/23
A mob of 100-150 whites return to Rosewood and burn the remaining structures.

01/17/23
A black man in Newberry is convicted of stealing cattle. He is removed from his cell and lynched by local whites.

02/11/23
A Grand Jury convenes in Bronson to investigate the Rosewood riot.

02/15/23
The Grand Jury finds “insufficient evidence” to prosecute.

02/15/37
The first mention of the Rosewood riot in a religious publications, by Nathaniel Scippio and his wife Delia, in the Church of God by Faith Handbook, 2nd Edition.

07/25/82
Gary Moore and Joe Tonelli, published the first detailed account of the massaere to reach the general public, Floridan, St. Peresburg Times Newspaper

07/1/85
The Rosewood Family Reunion was established in Lacoochee, Florida.

FOR EXTENSIVE DETAILS OF THE TRAGEDY VISIT
THE ROSEWOOD REPORT

A Documented History Of the Massacre which occured at Rosewood, Florida, in January 1923, was submitted to the Florida Board of Regents on December 22, 1993 from The Rosewood Report

A burning cabin near Rosewood, FL, January 4, 1923.A burning cabin near Rosewood, Florida,
January 04, 1923

Lynching of unknown man
Lynching unknown man

KKK Rally
KKK Rally

Sylvester Carrier
Sylvester Carrier

Sarah Carrier
Sarah Carrier

Evangelist Nathaniel Scippio
Evangelist Nathaniel Scippio,
Church of God by Faith

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A Chronology of Events

Date

08/05/20
Four black men in McClenny are removed from the local jail and lynched for the alleged rape of a white woman.

11/02/20
Two whites and at least five blacks are killed in Ocoee in a dispute over voting rights. The black community of Ocoee is destroyed, 25 homes, 2 churches, and a Masonic Lodge.

02/12/21
A black man in Wauchula is lynched for an alleged attack on a white woman.

12/09/22
A black man in Perry is burned at the stake, accused of the murder of a white school teacher. A black church, school, Masonic Lodge, and meeting hall are burned.

12/31/22
On New Year’s Eve a large Ku Klux Klan Parade is held in Gainesville.

01/01/23
Early morning: Fannie Taylor reports an attack by an unidentified black man.

Monday afternoon: Aaron Carrier is apprehended by a posse and is spirited out of the area by Sheriff Walker.

Late afternoon: A posse of white vigilantes apprehend and kill a black man named Sam Carter.

01/02/23
Armed whites begin gathering in Sumner.

01/04/23
Late evening: White vigilantes attack the Carrier house. Two white men are killed, and several others wounded. A black woman, Sarah Carrier is killed and others inside the Carrier house are either killed or wounded. Rosewood’s black residents flee into the swamps. One black church is burned, and several unprotected homes.

Lexie Gordon, a black citizen of Rosewood, is murdered.

01/05/23
Approximately 200-300 white men from surrounding areas begin to converge on Rosewood. The negro section is destroyed by fire.

Mingo Williams is murdered.

Governor Cary Hardee is notified, and Sheriff Walker reports that he fears “no further disorder.” The Sheriff of Alachua County arrives in Rosewood to assist Sheriff Walker.

James Carrier is murdered.

01/06/23
A train evacuates refugees, the Rosewood families, to Archer and Gainesville.

01/07/23
A mob of 100-150 whites return to Rosewood and burn the remaining structures.

01/17/23
A black man in Newberry is convicted of stealing cattle. He is removed from his cell and lynched by local whites.

02/11/23
A Grand Jury convenes in Bronson to investigate the Rosewood riot.

02/15/23
The Grand Jury finds “insufficient evidence” to prosecute.

02/15/37
The first mention of the Rosewood riot in a religious publications, by Nathaniel Scippio and his wife Delia, in the Church of God by Faith Handbook, 2nd Edition.

07/25/82
Gary Moore and Joe Tonelli, published the first detailed account of the massaere to reach the general public, Floridan, St. Peresburg Times Newspaper

07/1/85
The Rosewood Family Reunion was established in Lacoochee, Florida.

FOR EXTENSIVE DETAILS OF THE TRAGEDY VISIT
THE ROSEWOOD REPORT

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The Megacities of Ancient West Africa

Centuries BEFORE the coming of Islam and before the days of the Songhay, Mali and Ghana Empires (and thus before Timbuktu was built), there were some massive cities in the Niger Delta region which rivaled those of Mesopotamia

Historian Basil Davidson looks how kingdoms such as Ghana, Mali and Songhay provided a strong centralised governmental structure within which trade across West Africa thrived. In particular, he looks at the great city of Timbuktu and the influence of Islam.
http://www.lincoln.edu/history/his307/

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America’s Ten Dead Cities: From Detroit To New Orleans

America’s Ten Dead Cities: From Detroit To New Orleans

A city does not die when its last resident moves away.  Death happens when municipalities lose the industries and vital populations that made them important cities.

The economy has evolved so much since the middle of the 20th Century that many cities that were among the largest and most vibrant in America have  collapsed. Some have lost more than half of their residents. Others have lost the businesses that made them important centers of finance, manufacturing, and commerce.

Most of America’s Ten Dead Cities were once major manufacturing hubs and others were important ports or financial services centers. The downfall of one city, New Orleans, began in the 1970s, but was accelerated by Hurricane Katrina.

Notably, the rise of inexpensive manufacturing in Japan destroyed the ability of the industrial cities on this list to effectively compete in the global marketplace.  Foreign business activity and US government policy were two of the three major blows that caused the downfall of these cities.  The third was the labor movement and its demands for higher compensation which ballooned the costs of manufacturing in many of these cities as well.

24/7 Wall St. looked at a number of sources in order to select the list. One was the US Census Bureau’s list of largest cities by population by decade from 1950 to 2000 with estimates for 2007. Detroit, for example, had 1.9 million people in 1950 and was the fifth largest city in the nation. By 2000, the figure was 951,000. The city was not even on the top ten list in 2007.

The Census data also describes the shift of much of the population to cities which were not considered large at all in 1950. Most of these are in the southern part of the US.  Rising populations in these locations has been driven by the growing number of retired people and a relocation of the nation’s workforce.  This is how San Diego, Phoenix, and San Antonio have moved onto the list of the ten largest cities in America.

Researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology did a study of what they described as America’s 150 forgotten cities. The municipalities on their list were medium-sized and ranked by measurements that included poverty. The reason for their demise largely match the cities on the 24/7 Wall St list. The MIT research work goes beyond a mere list of statistics and points out reasons why some of these cities will never recover. In almost every case, tax bases have disappeared, which has undermined the ability of local governments to spend money on revitalization. Abandoned areas of these cities have high crime rates, which not only keeps people from relocating to these areas but is actually an incentive for them to move away.  This in turn, leads to the image of these cities as desolate urbanscapes.

(Read 24/7 Wall St.’s Piece On “The Real Labor Shortage: Skilled Blue-Collar Workers”)

1. Buffalo

In 1900, Buffalo was the eighth largest city in America. It was located on one of the busiest sections of the Erie Canal, the terminus of the canal on the Great Lakes. Thanks to its location, Buffalo had huge grain milling operations and one of the largest steel mills in the country.  Buffalo prospered during WWII as did many northern industrial cities. After the WWII, the manufacturing plants returned to the production of  cars and industrial goods. The population rose to more than 500,000 in the mid-1950s. It is half that today. Buffalo was wounded irreparably by the de-industrialization of America.

2. Flint.

Flint was once a major industrial city and the birthplace of GM, then went into receivership — the equivalent of municipal bankruptcy–in 2002. The city had almost 200,000 residents in 1960 and has fewer than 100,000 today. The downfall of Flint can be described in a sentence.  In 1960, GM employed 80,000 people in Flint and it employs fewer than 8,000 today. Flint was the headquarters of GM’s Buick division for years, but these operations were moved to Detroit in 1998.


3. Hartford

The city was once the “insurance capital of the world.” In 1950, the city’s population peaked at more than 177,000 and has dropped to 124,000 recently. Hartford was, beyond being an insurance center, also home to a number of manufacturing and publishing businesses. Hartford lost some of its insurance firms as they moved to new locations, primarily because of consolidation in this sector.  Five large financial firms have downsized their workforces. These include Met Life, Cigna, Lincoln Financial, Mass Mutual, and, perhaps most depressing of all,  The Hartford.


4. Cleveland

Cleveland became a major port and land transportation hub, due to its central location on Lake Erie. A number of the largest rubber companies in the world and other manufactures for the car and steel industry were also located near or in the city. Cleveland had 914,000 residents in 1950. The figure is below 480,000 today. A number of the large manufacturing operations have left the region or downsized based on the transfer of  the steel, rubber, and car industries elsewhere, particularly to Japan.


5. New Orleans

The location of New Orleans at the mouth of the Mississippi made it one of the most important ports in America for more than 200 years. Oddly enough, New Orleans remains a massive port, but a number of the jobs which were once performed by laborers are now automated. A great deal of the commercial traffic which once moved by river is now transported more efficiently by truck, rail, and air. The city had also been a financial capital of the south because of the cotton and river trade. Faster growing southern cities like Atlanta became more important financial centers as their populations grew. One of the industries that began to offset the faltering trade and financial sectors was tourism which rose throughout the second half of the last century. But the city suffered from its location, part of it below sea level, and several hurricanes that hit the city, particularly Hurricane Betsy in 1965. In August 2005, Hurricane Katrina dealt the city a nearly fatal blow. In the year after that, the population dropped to just above 250,000, down from 627,000 in 1960. The BP oil crisis has already begun to damage what might have been a nascent recovery, post Katrina.


6. Detroit

The Motor City was the fifth largest city in America with a population of almost 1.9 million in 1950. The number of residents increased sharply from the 1920s when Henry Ford created the assembly line and set a wage of $5 a day. Workers streamed in from the deep South and other parts of the Midwest. The huge car companies became defense contractors during WWII. The auto industry grew abundantly after the war as the American middle class was created by an expanding economy built on the US’s ability to take its vast natural resources and turn them into finished products. During the 1960s, American car companies had nearly 90% of the domestic market, and GM had 50% to itself. Detroit’s demise began with the rise of Japanese imports in the 1970s. The Arab oil embargo increased the appetite of US consumers for high-mileage cars. The Big Three (Big Four before American Motors was bought by Chrysler) built products that were acceptable to consumers until they saw higher quality Japanese cars which began to flood the markets in great numbers in the 1980s. Detroit’s car manufacturing base was nearly destroyed, symbolized by the Chapter 11 filings of GM and Chrysler.

7. Albany

Albany is still the capital of New York State. It was once one of the largest “inland ports” in the world sitting near the place where the Hudson River meets the Erie Canal. This helped it become a major center for finished lumber and iron works. Perhaps because of the influence of the politicians who worked in the city, several universities and colleges were built there. The city’s manufacturing industry helped the population to rise to 134,000 in 1950. it is now under 95,000. The higher education institutions in the region have begun to help Albany become a regional center for information technology and the biotechnology industries, but these are not large enough to offset declines in the city’s fortunes which began in the 1960s.


8. Atlantic City

Now known mostly for its gambling business, Atlantic City was dying before legislation allowed gaming companies to operate there. The city was created as a tourist location in the 1880s and a number of massive hotels were built there. Atlantic City’s hospitality industry also made it a favorite for trade shows and conventions. The Democratic National Convention was held there in 1964. The city’s appeal to tourists was damaged primarily by two things: the first was the availability of inexpensive air travel to southern resorts areas like Florida. Vacationers could fly from New York to Miami, Ft Lauderdale, and Palm Beach in less time than it took to drive to Atlantic City. The second,the rise of Las Vegas as the gaming capital of the world, made it the preferred destination for many conventions. Atlantic City got into the gambling industry in 1978–too late.


9. Allentown

This Pennsylvania city had two advantages in the middle of the last century. It was well located for railroads that moved freight from the Midwest through Pennsylvania and New Jersey to the Eastern seaboard. Its proximity to iron ore made it a major manufacturing center and refiner much like Bethlehem to its east and Pittsburgh to its west. Like many other Northeastern manufacturing cities, Allentown watched its major product, in this case steel, being produced in greater and greater volumes and at lower prices in Japan.


10. Galveston.

This Texas city was one of the largest ports in the US a hundred years ago. It was also the location of one of the greatest natural disasters in American history. In 1900, a hurricane killed between 6,000 and 8,000 people. In the decades after the hurricane, Galveston became a major tourist center due to its location on the Gulf and proximity to several larger Texas cities. Galveston was also a major military recruitment center during WWII. The cause of Galveston’s demise is unique. It had become something of the Sodom and Gomorrah of the southern US. There was a large gambling industry there, some of it illegal, which was controlled by criminals. In the late 1950s,Texas state authorities successfully attacked local organized crime. The regulated tourist trade could not replace the illegal business. Galveston’s port and hospitality industries had begun to improve, but where trampled by the effects of Hurricane Ike in 2008. The event destroyed a large part of the city’s tax base, and set back the tourism industry once again.

Douglas A. McIntyre

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Demystifying The Issue Of Repatriation

Demystifying The Issue Of Repatriation

By: Ras Jahaziel

REPARATIONS and REPATRIATION for the descendants of slavery and colonialism are two inseparable twins that hold between them the cornerstones for the formation of a new international morality. If one is stripped from the other, JUSTICE fails, and the evil slave-master triumphs once again. Without Reparations, repatriation is more likely to become the repatriation of the privileged.

One should never forget that once upon a time there was an argument amongst the slave-masters about what should be done with the slaves after Emancipation. Some said “Let us see to it that they will never be able to really OWN anything, because we cannot afford to let them become independent. Keep them so busy working that they will never have much time to think, and saddle them with debt so that they will never progress. They can stay here, but they will always be kept busy in the pursuit of powerless-ness.” Some said “But we need to keep this place ALL WHITE, so let us bring in more Caucasians and pack these niggers on a boat and send them back to Africa bare-back and empty-handed the same way how they came.” The descendants of slavery therefore find themselves today in a situation where the man that is tossing the coin is doing so on one condition “HEADS, I WIN, TAILS, YOU LOSE.” Whichever way the coin falls, it represents the triumph of injustice.

There is no escaping it. Historical consciousness is the faculty that causes one’s eyes to truly see. Without it, one is virtually blind. A knowledge that has no proper grounding in the trails and trials of the African experience under slavery and colonialism, is therefore like a branch disconnected from its roots. Such knowledge has to go beyond the mere assimilation of facts learned in college and university. It has to be empowered by THE PASSION FOR JUSTICE that naturally flows from an at-oneness with those that have long borne the white cross. From this level of spiritual attunement, one’s eyes will then behold the truth that REPATRIATION IS MERELY A COMPONENT OF REPARATIONS. To teach otherwise would surely grant the ole slave-master much pleasure and satisfaction.

It should also be clearly understood that the same ole slave-master who raped Africa and enslaved her children is very much interested in maintaining his grip on stolen property. For this reason the people in Africa have to be kept smelling Hell, and to see to it that they never escape, certain educated Negroes have been put in charge to keep the profits from the plantation flowing smoothly. This is the neo-colonial situation that presently exists in Africa and the Caribbean where there is a Black majority totally dominated and controlled by white invisible minorities. When one is aware of this situation it becomes clear why, despite the appearance of outwardly Black governments, the movement of people has always been tightly curbed and restricted just as in the old days on Hell plantation. Speaking from personal experience as a Rastaman, I have on two occasions been denied the right to set foot on two different Caribbean islands. On neither occasion was I ever even asked my name. Just one look was all it took. On one of those occasions in 1975, I was restricted to the boat until it was ready to leave the harbor. On the other occasion in 1998 or thereabouts, I was taken off the boat, stripped of shoes and all personal belongings, and then held in a jail cell until the boat was ready to leave. All of this with no questioning. After that particular experience, I had the occasion to speak to a sympathetic white woman who was married to a Black Rastaman, and here is what she said: “I can understand your experience, because my husband (the Black Rastaman from another island) was only able to visit the island BECAUSE HE WAS WITH ME.”

Now this is the Caribbean where all authority is visibly Black, but it is insightful in terms of the workings of the neo-colonial mentality. It explains why Repatriation has so far been only a vision yet to be materialized. A Caucasian can travel anywhere in the world without let or hindrance. Check the same scenario in this excerpt from a lecture by Haile Gerima the famous Ethiopian film producer of the movie “Sankofa”:

“I went to Ethiopia to quickly record as I was doing pre-production for BBC, the documentary film I did for BBC called Imperfect Journey. And here I was with this Niagara, not a new Niagara recorder and I felt I should record my uncle with good equipment instead of what this brother is trying to record with. I felt it was important archival material. When I got to Ethiopia the customs office, they were all these privileged European people with their privileged white trust fund skin in front of me. They went through with all their computers and cameras and here I was with my — you know, Ethiopian citizen but illegal still in the actual context of transactions in airports. I’m illegal in every airport. I’m not complaining.

It makes you connect. That’s when you know you’re like the Pakistanian, the Indian, because in London you look around, you’re kept — you know where you belong and language is not important, just you know where you are on this planet. And it’s educational. But, any how, here I was, excited with this equipment going to go through this customs and I was stopped. Also an Ethiopian guy with me was also a filmmaker, his machine was taken and mine was taken.

Here I was, when I was supposed to go to the village for the time period I have, I’m at the Custom’s office stranded trying to liberate the equipment. I stayed there trying to fight for a whole week, two weeks doing nothing and my relatives are all in Ghanda. So, I just left it and visited friends and took some pictures and got back in the airport and then they handed me my Niagara to take it out. Now, that is not explainable in any logic. I just want you to keep that in mind. It will connect somewhere. That’s why most people don’t know how to follow my movie.

My thought processes is a very primitive and organized thought process. So, here again, I come back to Ethiopia with now what we call the ‘White Visa’. I had my white people from England. I made sure I had three white people in front of me, and I went through the visa and immigration and customs, straight without any problem through their power. I went through every check point in Ethiopia just fronting them in the Land Rover. I made them look like they were the boss, though they were my employees. And the driver always has to have a white person in front of him at every check point. The driver has to quickly point “_________’ ________’” the new World Bank IMF power. And the government has told everybody, don’t stop (foreigners) don’t mistreat them, give them everything, don’t stop them.

So here I am going any where I wanted to go with this power, armed with this power. Went to every dungeon and made my film. I recorded people who are afraid for their life, hidden in a covert way. And left. We tried in Ethiopia and that is to interview the president. The president refused to be interviewed by me although he is accessible to every beginning white filmmaker that I met who were there from Germany, Holland and. They always say, “We like your film. And I hope I can work with you.” But they are in charge of my country. And I always ask them to do me a favor, to get me around.”

There are two things that neo-colonial governments despise most, poor people and culturally conscious people.

It has long been known to the wise, and to those that have been put in charge of the neo-colonial system in Africa, that “ONE POOR PLUS ONE POOR EQUALS TOO POOR.” What this really says is that if one repatriates without ever breaking the cycle of persistent poverty here, one is more likely to be considered an additional burden on reaching there. That is why no head of state is ever willing to permit large-scale immigration of more poor people. Even between neighboring states in Africa, immigration authorities have been placed in the road to prevent the influx of MORE POOR PEOPLE. Every place where you go in the so-called third world or developing world today, in every harbor and every airport there is an invisible sign saying “WE DON’T WANT NO MORE POOR PEOPLE HERE.” In smaller writing there is another that says “and conscious people are not welcome either, because they are potential threats.”

This brings us to the real truth that THE EDUCATED NEGRO IS THE MAIN BARRIER TO BLACK PROGRESS. He has been placed in a comfortable position by invisible puppeteers who are very skilled in the art of pulling strings. Whether he does it consciously or unconsciously, the educated Negro is generally a facilitator in the centuries -old project of Black exploitation. His greatest concern is to keep his personal safe place secure, and by his actions, he displays a greater kinship with the white exploiter.

When REPARATIONS and REPATRIATION are examined under the clear microscope of consciousness, one will see that their full attainment will only come after serious revolutionary changes in the present status quo. Moses has to take the message to the powers that be, and the foundations have to be shaken so severely that little puppet heads will roll. This is not to say that everyone should sit patiently and wait for the earthquake. A concerted effort should still be made meanwhile to attain some level of poor people’s empowerment, for as Marcus Garvey once said, a people without real power will always be a people without respect. This is why after so many years in the Caribbean where the Rasta people are the poorest, they are still the least respected and the most oppressed.

This brings us to the most current issue that the conscious people should be addressing …the issue of self-empowerment or poor-people’s empowerment. When a people have been robbed of their land and its natural resources, the only other resource that is available to them is THEIR NATURAL CREATIVE TALENT. If these talents have not been fully developed and mobilized, such people will forever continue to spend their lives laboring to make the slave-master rich. Even those few talents that they have discovered will continue to be exploited by others.

In the absence of REPARATIONS, this development and mobilization of the people’s creative talent-base would have to precede Repatriation. Where this has not been done, REPATRIATION will be nothing more than the movement of a people who have been able to serve the slave-master long enough to BUY their freedom of movement. And it ought to be considered that the slave-master has set up his system in such a way, that by the time you bow and serve him long enough to buy your freedom, your mind is no longer much different to his. If such people are repatriated to Africa, they will quite easily keep silent and non-involved in the struggle for justice there. They will betray the down-trodden, and by their non-involvement, make common cause with Africa’s neo-colonial stooges. By attaining the presently required financial resources, such repatriates would have achieved something that is almost impossible for the average African to achieve. It is not good to be viewed as an island of prosperity in a sea of poverty. In places like Nigeria, such Black achievers usually live behind large iron gates with guards at the door, and high walls with barbed wire strung on top.

True Repatriation must therefore be accompanied by a total revolutionary change in the African social, political, and economic system that allows prosperity to be more broad-based. Otherwise, repatriation will be just a matter of RELOCATING HELL.

Apocalyptic doctrines should never be allowed to put common sense to sleep. Those that step in the right should never be guided by fear. Each one must ask themselves, “What is my particular role in this battle to lift Black humanity from the dust of disadvantage, scorn, and perpetual servitude? What are my unique talents, and how can they best be utilized to accomplish these goals in this generation?” When these questions are properly answered, everyone will know what his or her divinely-appointed station is in this final battle to restore the right. Some may be called sooner than others to make the journey now to help spread the light of consciousness, with the full knowledge that they will be opposed by Black oppressors. Others may have to fight in the lands of the white oppressors to give more power to the truth by galvanizing a movement similar to the days of the civil-rights movement.

Whether Hell is in the east or in the west, it is still Hell, so the battle will remain the same in either place. When this consciousness comes home fully, one will not be motivated in one’s efforts to repatriate by the feeling that one is making an escape for a safe place. On the contrary, one will be relocating with the full knowledge that one is moving into place to take over the baton of struggle from the likes of Haile Selassie, Muguabe, Mbeki, Mandela, Steve Biko and all those who fought to bring Africa this far from the clutches of colonialism. The struggle for African liberation must now be taken to its ultimate conclusion, and that is the task that has been prepared for this generation.

Seeing that white-skin preference and rich man preference still overshadow the doors of return, it should be plain to see by now that there are a few righteous steps that must be taken if REPATRIATION is to come anywhere close to the idea of GOING TO ZION.

THE STEPS THAT MUST BE TAKEN FOR REPATRIATION TO MEAN GOING TO ZION

The battle to regain economic independence as a group must start now. This could be said in another way: The battle to regain African manhood must start now. The reason why this battle is so very much connected to spiritual integrity is that it ushers in a generation who can speak fearlessly without wondering if they will lose their jobs.

Because of long DOMESTICATION and continued subjugation under a rigorous slave system that was designed to benumb the soul, many slave descendants know nothing about their own creative talents, and many doubt that they even have them. Therefore most of their waking hours are spent in the mundane activities that have been prescribed by the slave-master for the purpose of suffocating and stifling the genie within. Every effort has to be made therefore to uncork the bottle and let out the genie(us). This is a process that should start from the very first arrival of true consciousness. Because of this reorganization of self, the Zion train will be carrying GENIUSES, well equipped and well prepared to do the work of rebuilding Zion. If you have already discovered your talent, no effort should be spared in sharpening, polishing, and shining it, so that it reaches its full potential. What ought to emerge from this process is a group of people, who despite their origins in the dust of society, have secured by their collective and individual works, that measure of respect that the world will have to recognize. This is a mission that is achievable. Marcus Garvey showed us how.

The people’s creative talent is a yet un-UN-DEVELOPED TREASURE. It is a treasure that has been buried by slavery, and it is now kept in a coma by the mundane day to day chores of slave life. It has to be developed and mobilized to generate the kind of power that will command respect. Not only will it provide spiritual and material wealth, but it will also break the yoke of the 9 to 5 slave-master.

When this awakening has taken place, no one will have to be convinced about the essential role of I-NITY, NETWORKING, AND COOPERATION. The present blindness only happens because of faith in the pay-check.

The wide scattering of the people must also be turned into an asset, for it can be made to facilitate product-distribution which is so vital in the capitalist system. If this network is not developed, the present trend will continue where OTHERS are the main sellers and therefore the main profit-makers. Right in our midst, there are products that can be made to benefit more than just a few, but their full potential has not been realized because the words COMPANY AND CORPORATION are still believed to have been copy-written and reserved exclusively for the white man.

This is the time to make manifest THE PEOPLE OF POWER.

And while this vital NATION BUILDING project is being implemented, the battle for Reparations must be waged unceasingly, for that is the only way to resurrect justice from the dead. By struggling for Reparations, one draws closer to the heart of those countless numbers of African ancestors who were brutalized, worked to death, and buried like dogs, who now sit on the other side anxiously awaiting the restoration of their humanity. In effect, what one will be doing by whole-heartedly embracing the struggle for Black reparations is DEMONSTRATING THAT THE BLINDNESS IS OVER, AND NOW ONE CAN TRULY SEE. No generation can claim that their humanity is fully recognized and respected while the humanity of their ancestors is denied and neglected. UP, ye mighty people, you can conquer whatsoever you will.

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