Archive for the ‘Ancestors and Elders’ Category

Dr. Ivan Van Sertima – For the People

Dr. Ivan Van Sertima – For the People

“For the People”: a 4 Part interview with anthropologist and historian, Dr. Ivan Van Sertima of Rutgers University. The interview was conducted in 1995 by the late Listervelt Middleton.

The Dead are Alive in Us

The Pink African

Human Beings Are Equal

The Origins of Man

The African Presence in Ancient America

Egypt was the World’s Major Civilization

Books By Ivan Van Sertima

Early America Revisited Early America Revisited
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1998-08-30
ASIN: 0765804638
Contemporary Authors: Biography - Van Sertima, Ivan (1935-) Contemporary Authors: Biography – Van Sertima, Ivan (1935-)
publisher: Thomson Gale
ASIN: B0007SFW12
Blacks in Science: Ancient and Modern (Journal of African Civilizations ; Vol. 5, No. 1-2) Blacks in Science: Ancient and Modern (Journal of African Civilizations ; Vol. 5, No. 1-2)
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1983-01-01
ASIN: 0878559418
African Presence in Early America African Presence in Early America
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1987-01-01
ASIN: 0887387152
Black Women in Antiquity (Journal of African Civilizations ; V. 6) Black Women in Antiquity (Journal of African Civilizations ; V. 6)
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1988-12-31
ASIN: 0878559825
They Came Before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America They Came Before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Random House Trade Paperbacks, published: 2003-09-23
ASIN: 0812968174
African Presence in Early Europe (Journal of African Civilizations) African Presence in Early Europe (Journal of African Civilizations)
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1986-01-01
ASIN: 0887386644
African Presence in Early Asia African Presence in Early Asia
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1987-01-01
ASIN: 0887387179
The Golden Age of the Moor (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol 11, Fall 1991) The Golden Age of the Moor (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol 11, Fall 1991)
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1991-01-01
ASIN: 1560005815
Egypt: Child of Africa (Journal of African Civilizations, V. 12) Egypt: Child of Africa (Journal of African Civilizations, V. 12)
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1995-01-01
ASIN: 1560007923
Egypt Revisited (Journal of African Civilizations) Egypt Revisited (Journal of African Civilizations,)
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1989-01-01
ASIN: 0887387993
Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol. 9) Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol. 9)
publisher: Transaction Publishers, published: 1988-01-01
ASIN: 088738739X
They Came Before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Random House Trade Paperbacks, published: 2003-01-01
ASIN: B002B774JK
Nile Valley Civilizations
by: Editor-Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Journal of African Civilizations Ltd., published: 1985-01-01
ASIN: B002679Y5W
They Came Before Columbus
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Random House, New York, published: 1976-01-01
ASIN: B001V4MTSA
Black Women in Antiquity
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Transaction Books, published: 1984-01-01
ASIN: B0028I4TZO
Nile Valley Civilizations
publisher: Journal of African Civilizations Ltd., published: 1985-01-01
ASIN: 0887386229
sales rank: 1761421
They Came Before Columbus
by: Van Sertima Ivan
publisher: Random House, published: 1976
ASIN: B000UERIZ6
sales rank: 3278241
The Golden Age of the Moor
by: Ivan (Editor) Van Sertima
publisher: Transaction Pub 1991-11-01, published: 1991-01-01
ASIN: B002A7A5SI
They Came before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America
by: Ivan Van Sertima
publisher: Random House, published: 1976-01-01
ASIN: B001RG1MKS

Africa: Out of the dark

Ivan Van Sertima
Prof Ivan Van Sertima: Egypt was once part of Africa, but Egyptians lost their original African features after invasions by the Persians, Greeks, Arabs and Romans throughout the centuries gave them their modern-day features. Photo: KENRICK BOBB

By LAURA ANN PHILLIPS
June 1, 2000

IN the fifth century, women in Europe were dying because doctors there did not know how to perform caesarean sections. The European doctors had to turn to their African counterparts to learn the proper method.

This was what Prof Ivan van Sertima, professor of African Studies at Rutgers University, USA, told an audience at the Caribbean Historical Society evening held on May 26. The evening marked the 37th anniversary of African Liberation Day, celebrated on May 25, and was held at the Centre of Excellence, Macoya.

“They didn’t know [about] antiseptic,” he said of doctors in Europe at the time.

Eventually, European doctors visited African practitioners to see where they were going wrong.

“They found that Africans washed their hands in palm wine,” said the anthropologist. “Palm wine was antiseptic.”

Ancient Africans also developed anaesthetics, a vaccine for small pox and medicine for hypertension, and could treat diarrhoea and psychotic disorders.

They were producing iron and steel more than 2,000 years ago, said Van Sertima, and their quality far surpassed anything produced in the world.

“Machines were discovered in Tanzania in east Africa from the fifth century, which could reach temperatures up to 3, 275Ð Celsius,” said the Guyana-born professor.

“No other machine in the world reached those temperatures. The highest Europe had produced went up to 2, 642 degrees.

“The finest swords in Europe were produced from African steel,” he said. “It was called ‘blue steel’.”

But there was a problem.

They used wood for fuel in their production furnaces, and the growing demand for steel was depleting their forests.

They could ill afford that.

Contrary to traditional teachings, said Van Sertima, Africa is not all jungle.

“Africa has less jungle than any other continent compared with its land space,” he said. “Africa has been mis-measured—it is larger than we thought and has less jungle space.”

Africans lived closely with nature, often adapting some of creation’s ideas to improve on their own infrastructure.

“They studied ants,” said Van Sertima. “They knew how ants dealt with water coming into their nest.” This information was used to improve their drainage systems.

African people were also accomplished astronomers.

“They knew that the universe was expanding,” said the scientist. “They expressed it poetically: ‘The stars are running away from us …’

“They knew that matter was made up of infinitely small spinning particles – atoms! They knew that the world turned on its own axis.

“Nobody knew that!

“The most advanced astronomical observatory found dates back to 300 years BC” said the professor.

“There were seven stones pointing at seven stars.”

The ancients saw that the number seven featured prominently in creation, he said, and so concluded that the number was somehow important to God.

“God seemed to express himself in sevens,” said Van Sertima. “There are seven parts of the eye, seven layers of skin, seven holes in the body.

“Seven was significant to the Africans and the Egyptians. Jesus knew that – he grew up in Egypt. Remember, ‘Out of Egypt I called My Son’?

“And Jesus was not ‘Jesus Christ’,” he said. “He was Jesus, the Christ, or ‘Krist’ [which], in Egyptian, means ‘anointed one’.”

Ancient Africans were also skilled sailors and boatbuilders.

“They were shipping elephants to China!” said Van Sertima.

“They could not have done that in those silly little canoes you would see Tarzan overturn in the movies.”

When people now hear about the achievements of ancient Africa, Van Sertima said, they try to explain them away, attributing Africa’s successes to everyone else.

Except Africa.

“Somebody came from outer space and told them about it!” he exclaimed. “Just like they say that people from outer space built the pyramids!”

African accomplishments in technology continue today, the professor pointed out, speaking of the African-American presence in the US space programme.

Van Sertima told the gathering that the education system in his country failed to teach him about the accomplishments of his ancestors.

He had to wait until his own research taught him otherwise.

“I was made to think that Africa was dark and ignorant,” he said.

“I never knew it was the beginning of advanced civilisation.”

source

Also see my Tribute to Dr Van Sertima

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Walter Rodney: Prophet of Self-Emancipation

Walter Rodney: Prophet of Self-Emancipation

Walter Rodney By Wazir Mohamed

Thirty years after the murder of Guyana-born scholar and activist Walter Rodney, Wazir Mohamed considers the role of imperialism and the big powers in the silencing of ‘a defender of the people’s right to equality’.

June 13, 2010 will mark 30 years since Walter Rodney ‘the prophet of self-emancipation’ was murdered in Guyana at the hands of a brutal dictator acting in cahoots with the agents of international capital. In commemorating the life of Walter Rodney, it is our responsibility to contextualise his killing and to remind ourselves of the role of imperialism and the pivotal role of the big powers in his silencing.

It was not the first time in the modern history of the world that a defender of the people’s right to equality was silenced, nor would it be the last time. Walter Rodney’s killing can be compared to that of Patrice Lumumba, the first elected prime minister of the Congo in 1961. It could be compared with the murder of Amilcar Cabral, leader of the African Party for the Independence and Union of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) in 1973 at the hands of Portuguese agents. It could be compared with the killing in 1983 of Maurice Bishop, prime minister of Free Grenada, at the hands of overzealous counter revolutionary agents in his party, the New Jewel Movement. It could also be compared with the murder in 1973 of Salvador Allende, prime minister of Chile, at the hands of Pinochet acting in collusion with agents of international capital.

These and other leaders committed one single crime; they had a passion for real change. They drew their examples for change from the working people, and created new ways, new approaches for dealing with the unequal relationship between the ruling classes and the poor. These were change agents. They recognised the historical problem of racial, economic, social, and cultural inequality between the then called ‘third world’ and the ‘first world,’ and dedicated their lives to change the status quo in their respective countries. They exposed the role of local dictators who benefited from the status quo, and hence were invested in dictatorial processes that kept the working people in subjection.

These leaders, among many others, were killed by agents of foreign and local capital over the period 1960–1990 to send a message to the working people of the former colonial world. That message being that international capital and their local agents are not prepared and will not tolerate any real demands for changes in the economic, political, social, and cultural status quo of the former colonies. This accounts in part for stagnation, retrogression, and continuous deterioration today of the conditions of ordinary people in most areas of the former colonial world.

To this day, the dream of self-emancipation and real independence is still unrealised in every part of the former colonial world. Working people across the world today are further than they have ever been from realising the dream of economic, political, social, and cultural equality. This is as true for the Caribbean – the birthplace of Rodney and Bishop – as it is in Africa, the birthplace of Cabral, Lumumba, Machel, Mandela, and others. Despite majority rule and so-called political independence in Zimbabwe and South Africa, these countries are yet to implement meaningful land reform; which if dealt with democratically could produce the answer to the structure of the historical inequality colonialism created on the continent. Like Guyana, most of the former colonies in Africa, in Asia and in Latin America are yet to find solutions to deal with and turn back the historical damage of ethnic and racial divisions that threaten to consume these societies.

The assassination of Walter Rodney must be contextualised from the confine of the people’s struggle against foreign domination of mind and body, against foreign domination of thought and action. Walter Rodney did not wake up one day, like so many leader types, and decide that he wanted to take the reign of power over the land. He had no such ambition; he was thrust into the sphere as the recognised leader of the working people of Guyana because in their estimation, he came closest to understanding and sharing their life of pain and suffering. Pain and suffering which abounded in part because of the shattered dream of democratic self-emancipation; a dream snatched away by the unravelling of the anti-colonial national movement of the 1950s. In the aftermath of this unravelling, political forces emerged to represent ethnic interests, and hence the outgrowth of political parties around which sections of the population coalesced because of the perception that they could provide ethnic security. Today, Guyana continues to suffer from the nightmare of ethnic politics. The unravelling of the national movement in Guyana, while it had important local players, occurred in the context of the global onslaught against such movements, a global onslaught against local self determination which began with colonialism and slavery, and which has kept independent nations in subjection for the last 200 years.

Haiti and its poverty is the most striking example. Since the revolution, the big powers not only refused to recognise the right of the Haitian people to self-determination, for over 200 years they also worked to snuff out the possibility of self-emancipation. In Haiti they, the big powers lead by the United States, imposed and supported the Duvalier family dictatorship, which ruled with an iron fist between 1957 and 1986. To this day Haiti is not free to decide on its path toward self-determination, its first freely elected President Bertrand Aristide now lives in South Africa having been banished into exile, because, to use his own words, he opposed ‘privatisation,’ the imposed prescription for small countries by the big powers. He was deposed because he wanted labour laws to regulate the working of the sweatshops in Haiti, because he wanted to impose a national minimum wage, because he wanted to protect local producers and rice farmers from the onslaught of subsidised food which the West dumps on small countries, and furthermore because he wanted to create a governmental structure to allow ordinary Haitians to self-organise in order to emancipate themselves.

Like Duvalier in Haiti, Somoza in Nicaragua, the Shah in Iran, Gairy in Grenada, and the many countless dictators who stalked and stymied the spirit of self-emancipation in Latin America, Asia and Africa, the PNC dictatorship of Guyana emerged and grew into a position of dominance with the backing and support of big powers. Big powers whose interest in the politics of these countries was firstly about access to control their economies, especially their mineral and agricultural production, and secondly about their political support in the Cold War period at the international level. As a young scholar, Walter Rodney who studied the impact of big power politics on the creation of unequal development and inequality, and the construction of the First and Third World was unsettled by the machinations of local leaders, whether they were in the Caribbean, Africa, Asia, or the United States of America. In all these theatres, he was drawn into debates and discussion on local conditions as more and more people came into contact with his scholarship. Inevitably, it was the discussions and debates which his scholarship opened up that lead to his banishment from Jamaica by the Shearer government, and which lead to the denial of a teaching appointment at the University of Guyana, and subsequently his assassination in 1980.

There is no separation between Rodney’s scholarship and his activism. His scholarship calls into question all those who sat on the fence and all those who would like to continue to sit on the fence as the divide between rich and poor grows, and as the ruling classes concretise their mastery to use race, ethnicity and gender as a means of imposing varying dimensions of divide and rule in specific local settings.

Having mastered the history of the Upper Guinea Coast in his doctoral studies, he explained that while local African leaders and ‘elites’ colluded in slave trading, students of history must come to grip with the global dimension; that is the growth of markets for slaves as European trade and commerce expanded and in this expansion varying forms of exploitation in specific local areas emerged.[1] He thus explained that ‘African agents of the Atlantic Slave Trade must be seen in a global perspective,’ that is how the profit motive which was shaped by the growth of plantations in the Americas, created the conditions which lead to internecine warfare, with the primary aim of capturing the ‘enemy’ who were then sold into slavery.[2] This work establishes his fascination with the methodology of capital in creating local lackeys, local agents through whom the tentacles of exploitation of the working people gets constructed and deepened.

Rodney’s scholarship is not idle, it is a call to action. It is a call to action by the working people in local settings, be it in Africa where he was a combatant in the liberation struggle, in Jamaica where he helped students to recognise the ills of society, in the USA and Europe where he implored people on the left to get to grips with the limitations of vanguard politics and the hegemonic character of the leading socialist countries, and in Guyana where he grounded with the people and helped them to understand and identify the local agents of foreign capital, whose wealth and power is derived from their labour and misery.

Walter’s scholarship calls on people to recognise that the path to resolution of historical wrongs have to arise through the understanding of the past. It was in this context that he wrote the ‘History of the Upper Guinea Coast’, ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’, and the ‘History of the Guianese Working People’. To quote from the introduction by Vincent Harding, Robert Hill and William Strickland in Walter’s ‘How Europe Undeveloped Africa’, his work is ‘imbued with the spirit, the intellect and the commitment of its author…with Rodney the life and work were one.’[3]

Nowhere is this impassioned commitment more present, than in his ‘History of the Guianese Working People’. This work, which he completed in the final couple years of his young life, represents in his view, a small contribution to fill a huge gap, the vacuum which exists in the historiography of Guyana, what he identified as the ‘profound underdevelopment’ of the historiography of the region. Having developed on the heels of noted Caribbean nationalist historian, Elsa Goveia, he was passionate about the task that confronted nationalists’ scholars, and new scholars such as him and those to follow. The task as he identified it is to create an understanding of how our societies were constructed through an understanding of the real history of the struggles of the working people. He firmly believed and was unwavering in his commitment that history should be told from the standpoint of the people. This commitment to the truth was the hallmark of his scholarship, and this scholarship was interwoven in his activism.

He believed that real history, if explained, will eventually help the mass of working people shed the shackles which divide them against each other. He exhibited a dispassionate ability to inject the understanding of history into his work, whether he was in the classroom, or whether he was grounding with the working people in their homes, in their places of work, or in their communities. He made no effort to hide where he stood on the issues of inequality and the growing divide between the haves and the have-nots in the world; he lived his life in and out of the classroom as a firm defender of the rights of all peoples to full equality. It was this resolve that lead to his banishment from Jamaica.

In responding to the ban placed on him by the Shearer government of Jamaica in 1968, he said that all he was doing was grounding with his brothers, ‘I was trying to contribute something. I was trying to contribute my experience…I went out as I said, I would go to the radio if they wanted me, I would speak on television if they allowed me…I spoke at the Extra-Mural Centre. I would go further down into West Kingston and I would speak wherever there was a possibility of our getting together. It might be in a sports club, it might be in a schoolroom, it might be in a church, it might be in a gully…I have spoken in what people call ‘dungle’, rubbish dumps…that is where the government puts people to live.’[4]

He was a firm believer that the role of the conscious (he used the word black) intellectual and academic is to move beyond the university, that the conscious academic must be able to make the connection between their scholarship and the activity of the masses of working people. Inevitably, it was the commitment to transcend the university, as he did after his return to Guyana in 1974, which lead to his banishment from the University of Guyana. The Burnham government was of the view that if they starved him through refusal to sanction his employment at the University of Guyana, he would be forced to leave the country. But they could not kick him out of the country because he was Guyanese.

Walter Rodney was committed to the political future of the multi-racial masses of Guyana. He was a firm believer that if the mass of working people was armed with the historical and contemporary reasons which create the misery of their lives, they would be able to emancipate themselves. He was banished from the university and subsequently killed because he dared to engage ordinary people. He was killed because he dared to bring to the people the tools that could lead to unity and combined action. He was killed because he was engaged with the masses, because he was grounding with bauxite workers, with civil servants, with sugar workers, with stevedores, with farmers, with villagers.

There is a historical context to the final assassination of Walter Rodney. Undaunted by the refusal to employ him, his work and contact with the mass of working people increased a hundredfold – as he would say his ‘groundings’ took on new meaning and had a new purpose. He was committed to the path of showing the working people the way forward, the path towards self-emancipation. He was committed to the path of helping the working people to sort out the problems of the country, a working people whose political, social, cultural, and economic livelihoods were threatened by a government which had seized power through rigged elections. A government, which while masquerading as ‘socialist,’ had begun to trample on the rights of workers to organise, on free speech, on the right to assemble and mobilise, etc. A minority government engaged in the process of consolidating its power. A minority government, which had begun and was in the process of laying the foundation for dictatorial rule and state sponsored corruption. A minority government, which like other foreign sponsored counterparts in that period such as Haiti, Grenada, Nicaragua, Iran and so forth, had begun to lay the basis for state-sponsored terrorism against its political opponents and the people through the reorganisation of the police force and the army to include special security apparatuses, the most notorious of these was the ‘death squad,’ as it was known at the time. A minority government, that entered into agreements with the Internal Monetary Fund, and which imposed strict austerity measures on the working people, while the elites freely dipped their hands in the treasury and dabbled with the wealth of the country.

Walter Rodney was killed because he was unwavering in his commitment to practice and teach a new kind of politics, a politics which abhors the vanguardist top down approach to decision-making. He was killed because he was a firm believer in the self-emancipation of the working, and that this will only come about when the mass of working people are united, that is when they act in unison. He was killed because his efforts to teach the working people the art of unity led to the multi-racial mobilisation never before seen in modern Guyana. He was killed because the enemies of the working people understood that multi-racial action would lead to self-emancipation, and a self-emancipated people would bring about social transformation.

The recipe for ethnic and racial healing in Guyana and the Third World was Rodney’s gift to the working people. He firmly believed in unity of the working people, and was committed to the struggle to find long-term solutions to the problems of ethnic and racial division that consumes Guyana and most of the former colonial world. He was not only committed, but placed his body and soul in the struggle for a new kind of popular politics, a new political culture of respect. He belonged to a new generation of scholar activists who saw the old political games for what they were. He did not equate liberation and development with the mere replacement of expatriate rulers with local versions. His determination as a scholar-activist propelled him to argue that transformation and true human development can only be achieved through the common struggle of all peoples to recognise the necessity for a single humanity. His life’s work of activism and scholarship stands as an exceptional example to anyone willing to think and act outside the box. As a scholar activist he led the way by showing how easy it was for one to switch between researching and writing to activism. This is attested to by his ability to switch from researching and writing about the devastation wrought by outside forces on African societies in ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’, and about the history of the working people of Guyana to intervening in the Pan-African and liberation movements in Africa, the movement for racial unity and democracy in Guyana, and to his work with Rastafarians in Jamaica.

While he emphasised, promoted and defended the right of former slaves, the African peoples of the Americas, the Caribbean and Guyana to rediscover their ancestral culture, as attested to in his work ‘Grounding with My Brothers,’ he was equally concerned for the East Indian descendants of indentureship in Guyana. He was non-sectarian and did not harbour any sectarian attitude.

His non-sectarian attitude and approach to find solutions for all peoples in Guyana is established by the equal treatment he gave to Africans and East Indians in his last published book, ‘A history of the Guyanese Working People, 1881-1905.’ In this work he debunked the culture and popular perception among sections of the Afro-Guyanese population that East Indians in Guyana are alien to the country.

Through documentary evidence of the suffering and struggles of East Indians for survival on the plantations, he demonstrates their contribution as equal partners with other groups of people, especially Afro-Guyanese to the history Guyana. His insights and analysis of the contribution of Afro and Indo Guyanese to the history of Guyana is instructive and remains as an instrument for all of us whose life goal is the creation of a united multi-racial democracy in Guyana; a Guyana for all its sons and daughters. All of us who are imbued with this common goal owe it to our ancestors, to our and to future generations to put our shoulders to the wheel and work, through our scholarship and in our respective communities, to create such a society.

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Rastafari People Remain African Liberators

LEFT: Baba Ras  Marcus, Ras Iyapert and Dejazmatch Iyarge
LEFT: Baba Ras Marcus, Ras Iyapert and Dejazmatch Iyarge

 

Rastafari People Remain African Liberators

By Ras Marcus
July 09, 2010

It is very important for Rastafari People and African people in general, to acknowledge the fact that when fruits are matured and ripe on the trees, they will no longer stay on the trees, but they will instead fall to the ground and remain there, unless some persons or other living creatures take up those fruits and make use of them by eating them, if those fruits are eatable. Likewise, the leaves do fall off the trees when their work are finished on those trees, and they go back to the earth to mulch the earth and make it fertile.

When our African Patriots, Elders and Liberators and people in general, make the great transition, and their spirits fly away into the atmosphere of this great Universe, leaving their remains behind, we should learn that the real internal power, which was causing the structure to move about, has departed, and therefore, the structure can no more move around on its own, because the living breath of fresh air has departed into the atmosphere.

When we pay respect and tribute to those of our African Liberators who have passed away, it is the good attitudes and self-determination, and good moods in the struggle, for the liberation of African people which we are respecting. I was very fortunate, to have known and worked with most of the more than 100 Elders who have past away over the past 50 or more years, and I am talking about elders who were in the struggle during the middle 50s and before, and Ras Iyapert has also worked with and had known some of them since he came into the struggle in the year 1959.

I do not think that it is too late, to pay tribute to elders like Ras Shadrack, Bongo Wato, Bongo Poorru, Bongo Spence, Mortimer Plano, Ras Derminite, Bongo Iyarney(Tarney) Bongo Johnny, Mama Ina, Mama Daphney, Iyaughta Nellie, Ras Niehmiah, Ras Samuel Brown, Brother Napier, Bongo Skipper, Ras Dasilva, Bongo Titus, Bongo Bigman, Bongo Blackheart, Bongo Author, Bongo Ackee and Sister Ackee, Bongo Bigger, Ras Pidow, Bongo Iyatanya, Ras Iyizzy Iyanny, Ras Iyarussie, Ras Iyacle Iyon, Ras Loydd, and all those so many more named and unnamed, who have made the great transition while fighting for the rights of African people everywhere, including African Liberators in Mama Africa and other parts of this world. I would just like to remember you all and your great liberation works, and pay great tribute and respect to you all for your great courage and self-determination as it relates to liberation for African people everywhere.

There are so many others who have not been named here, with whom I have worked, I am not certain if they are still walking and talking, since some of them were much older than I, and some of them were also younger than I. But whatever may be the case, or where ever their spirits may be, I would also like to pay respect unto them, and thank them for their self-determination and great courage in those early days of the struggle of the Rastafari people’s movement, against Babylon and their slave trading activities, which they practiced against African people everywhere.

Ras Historian Twenty-six and a half Mark Lane, is situated just below East Queen Street, in Kingston Jamaica, West Indies. There is a little shop there which managed to become a very historic place as it relates to the struggles of Black people, for economic survival during the 1970s and 1980s. It became a very historic place, because it was the headquarters of The United Vendors Association where vendors from all over the island of Jamaica would visit on a daily basis to make complaints about any problems which they encountered while doing business – to seek advice on various business matters, to get assistance in the preparation of their traveling documents, to complain about their lost luggage on the planes, to get their United Vendors Identification card with their picture on it, and to seek general solutions, for whatever problems which came about during their active days in business.

Ras Historian was the President of the United Vendors Association and Ras Iyapert (Rupert) was the main advisor and Consultant within the association. Ras Iyapert was also actively helping vendors to acquire their visas to travel abroad by legal consultations, and each time that a vendor became successful in acquiring his or her visa, they shared the information of success with others, and that was also very helpful in making the United Vendors Association successful and larger from day to day.

The Association would have monthly meetings at the Coke Methodist Church, which is just five minutes walk from the Mark Lane Headquarters of the Association since there is a back gate of this church which is also on Mark Lane. At the meetings, Ras Historian (Eric Clement) and Ras Iyapert would preside over the meetings, and would often invite representatives from the Airlines, Chamber of Commerce and others, to hear the complaints of the vendors and to help to find solutions for those problems which were solvable. One Airline, as I remember, gave five traveling tickets to the Association to send observers to Curacao to observe the living conditions under which vendors live in hotels and other service areas when they traveled there. The observers were able to meet with the Governor and other officials of Curacao and had fruitful discussions relating to the problems involved. The observers were also taken to the Free Zone to observe how vendors were treated while shopping at the Free Zone.

Everything which I witnessed cannot be mentioned in this article, but the main point which I am trying to make is that the United Vendors Association was very helpful in the economic advancement of African people in Jamaica in the past, and that this Association was established and administered by Rastafari People, with the United assistance of African people across the Island of Jamaica. I would also like to make it very clear that Ras Historian and Ras Iyapert were the main administrators with help from other Rastafari people. There were other African people who were helpful but if I try to call any more names here, I would not be able to bring this article to its conclusion which is what I intend to do now. The pictures of Ras Historian and Ras Iyapert are above in this article, let us pay respect to them by just taking a good look at them. As far as I am aware, Ras Historian is still alive but he is facing hard times now. Being a much older person, he has become very sickly with no one to take care of him, and he is not able to take care of his self as he did in the past. I am presently trying to get more information concerning his direct situation and I will post this information if I get it. Take the best care of yourselves and your people.

Again, I send many oceans of blessings and self-determination to African people everywhere.
ONE BLACK HEART ONE BLACK LOVE.
Baba Ras Marcus.
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Kwame Ture defines Pan-Africanism

I am a Pan-Africanist for ALL the reasons stated By Akhu Kwame Toure. Long Live the Ka and Ba of Kwame Toure!

Speaking in 1995, three years before his passing on, Kwame Ture (formerly Stokeley Carmichael) gives the conception of Pan-Africanism on which the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party is based on. For more info, go to http://www.aaprp-intl.org.

“”The total liberation and unification of Africa under an All-African Socialist Government must be the primary objective of all Black revolutionaries throughout the world. It is an objective which, when achieved, will bring about the fulfillment of the aspirations of Africans and people of African descent everywhere. It will at the same time advance the triumph of the international socialist movement.” — Osageyfo Kwame Nkrumah

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Steve Biko’s paradise lost – an extract from “Biko Lives!”

Steve Biko’s paradise lost – an extract from “Biko Lives!”

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“This is one country where it would be possible to create a capitalist black society, if whites were intelligent, if the nationalists were intelligent. And that capitalist black society, black middle class, would be very effective … South Africa could succeed in putting across to the world a pretty convincing, integrated picture, with still 70 percent of the population being underdogs.” – Steve Biko (1972)

The 30th anniversary of Steve Biko’s murder in police custody (on September 12 1977) comes almost 15 years after the formal ending of apartheid in South Africa. This fact alone raises several fundamental questions: how do we remember Biko? What contributions did the black consciousness movement make to the course of black liberation in South Africa and the world? How does the conception of black liberation, as enunciated by Biko and his colleagues, square up against the realities of post-apartheid South Africa?

Indeed, Biko lives today in South Africa, but so do the material outcomes of colonialism, segregation, apartheid and – most recently – neo-liberal economic policies. South Africa continues to be characterised by sharply contrasting realities.

Under the terms of the negotiated settlement of the early 1990s, the ANC won political – but not economic – power. Less than 5 percent of the country’s land has changed hands from white to black since 1994 and four white-owned conglomerates continue to control 80 percent of the Johannesburg stock exchange.

Black economic empowerment (BEE) schemes have created black millionaires in the thousands, making South Africa the fourth-fastest growing location for millionaires after South Korea, India and Russia.

But the vast majority of South Africans remain at the other extreme – these are the 45 percent of South Africans who are unemployed; the one in four who live in shacks located in shantytowns without running water or electricity. This is the country Biko continues to haunt, and to inspire …

Rather than a stage of psychological liberation, Biko considered “real needs” – the experience of “our common plight and struggle” – the challenge for black consciousness philosophy. At the same time, he insisted that radical intellectuals not only reject the racist regime and its invention of “Bantustan” politics but play an important role by using what they have learnt in the apartheid schools and colleges against the regime itself.

Biko’s concept of black liberation anticipates the post-apartheid reality of black poverty and exclusion alongside white wealth, legitimised by a black presence in government.

It has often proven difficult to describe this phenomenon, especially since the 1994 “miracle” destabilised discourses and ways of seeing which were rooted in the black experience such as black consciousness. How do we name a social political formation that is managed by former liberation fighters, but remains in the service of the apartheid status quo?

When black consciousness appeared on the scene [in the mid-1960s] it loudly proclaimed its own name in its own language and created a new black whose raison d’être was the audacity to be, particularly, in the face of white supremacist power. When young activists of the black consciousness movement entered prison on Robben Island, they confronted the old political leaders who had been sitting in jail for decades with little hope and little fire for rebellion.

The new blacks appeared like a whirlwind, confounding the old leaders. Listen to Nelson Mandela recall the shock of this defiant quest to claim one’s right to be:

“These fellows refused to conform to even basic prison regulations. One day I was at head office conferring with the commanding officer. As I was walking out with the major, we came upon a young prisoner being interviewed by a prison official. The young man, who was no more than 18, was wearing his prison cap in the presence of senior officers, a violation of regulations. Nor did he stand up when the major entered the room, another violation. The major looked at him and said, ‘Please take off your cap.’ The prisoner ignored him. Then in an irritated tone, the major said, ‘Take off your cap.’ The prisoner turned and looked at the major and said, ‘What for?’ I could hardly believe what I had just heard. It was a revolutionary question: What for?”

There are at least three main memories of Biko contending in South Africa today. The first finds expression in the black business class, through its claim to be entitled to the white wealth created from the exploitation of colonialism and apartheid. The BEE programme mobilises the common historical experience of oppression and exclusion by black South Africans to carve for itself a slice in the white world. The 1994 political settlement made it possible for those blacks most prepared to occupy the position of the whites in society to do so in the name of transformation without transforming the very structures of accumulation, production and redistribution created by colonialism and apartheid.

Biko advocated the rejection of such a scheme: “We believe that we have to reject their economic system, their political system and values that govern human relationships … We are not really fighting against the government; we are fighting the entire system.”

Biko had foreseen that an economic model which integrates blacks into the very structures of colonialism and apartheid would create an unhealthy and self-defeating competition among blacks: “It is an integration in which black will compete with black, using each other as rungs up a stepladder leading them to white values. It is an integration in which the black man will have to prove himself in terms of these values before meriting acceptance and ultimate assimilation, and in which the poor will grow poorer and rich richer in a country where the poor have always been black.”

The second contestation of Biko’s memory comes from the state-linked political and bureaucratic classes. Their ascendance into the higher echelons of the post-apartheid bureaucracy has in practice also mobilised a version of black consciousness which, on the face of it, privileges blackness. The discourse of “transformation”, “representivity” “and reflecting the demographics” of society are the concepts employed in the process …

As a bureaucracy, this confronts the majority of blacks as a cold, arrogant, often violent and indifferent system. The Biko who these two main post-apartheid black classes have appropriated is a Biko who is mute in the face of continued black suffering, exclusion and humiliation.

The business and political classes have nothing to say to the multitudes who live in the shacks and the RDP [reconstruction and development programme] houses that have been described as dog kennels; who continue to suffer unacceptable infant mortality rates; whose hospitals are less than places of abandonment and death; who continue to die from Aids. In a sense, Biko’s thought has been reduced to slogans on T-shirts weaned of all its radical content as a philosophy of black liberation, and images of Biko have come to adorn glossy magazines.

The third contestation of Biko is the shout of the black majority for whom the formal ending of apartheid has not yet altered circumstances in any meaningful way.

This living Biko finds expression in the everyday struggles of the black masses for dignity and freedom. As Imraan Buccus writes, “Since 2004 an unprecedented wave of popular protest has ebbed and flowed across the country … This makes South Africa ‘the most protest-rich country in the world’.”

It is the explicit contention of the editors that Biko lives in these spaces of resistance which now appear and disappear and are revived in different forms and different parts of the post-apartheid society. The legacy carriers of the black consciousness philosophy are the excluded majority who continue to make life under extreme conditions and who, as Frantz Fanon once put it, cannot conceive of life otherwise than in the form of a battle against exploitation, misery and hunger.

An array of movements and organisations are demanding a dignity and a recognition that fundamentally challenges neoliberal post-apartheid South Africa. Every election cycle since the 2004 national election has seen movements across the country lift cries of “No Land! No Vote!” or “No Housing! No Jobs! No Vote!” signalling their refusal to participate in an unsatisfying “ballot box democracy”.

Instead, they demand a genuine reciprocity, a different notion of politics, “a true humanity”, as Biko puts it “where power politics will have no place”.

If a politics that transcends the current reality is to emerge, it would in all likelihood emerge as these new movements and forms of self-activity continue to develop their own voice.

  • Taken from “Biko Lives! Contesting the Legacies of Steve Biko”, edited by Andile Mngxitama, Amanda Alexander and Nigel C Gibson and published by Palgrave Macmillan.
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Happy Earthday Black Moses

Claiming Garvey and Rastafari

Cooper

Carolyn Cooper, Contributor

“Intelligence rules the world, ignorance carries the burden.” That’s one of my favourite quotes from the phenomenal archive of Marcus Garvey’s visionary mind. Some of us are still bearing the burdens of ignorance. We refuse to rule our own world intelligently.

Last week’s column, ‘Reading and Writhing’, provoked the usual gut reaction from readers whose English comprehension skills are rather poor. My sister, Donnette, did warn me. She suggested that I highlight ‘both’ and ‘and’ in this sentence: ‘The Ministry of Education must now ensure that every single child is given the opportunity to talk and write in both English and Jamaican.’

I purposely disregarded my sister’s advice, breezily asking her, “Den dem coulda fool enough fi tink seh mi no want di pikni dem learn English?” After all, I do teach English for a living. As it turns out, yes, dem fool enough. Some people seem to feel that the brain is like a coconut. If you full it up with one language, there’s no room left for others. So teaching literacy in Jamaican must mean that students won’t be able to learn English.

Then there’s the short-sighted claim that the Jamaican language has ‘geographical limitations,’ according to Ms Robertson in a very ‘speaky-spoky’ letter to the editor. ‘Nothing no go so’. Languages travel with their speakers. And there’s no place on Earth where you won’t find a Jamaican. Our mother tongue is a global language, just like reggae music. Ask the Japanese converts to Jamaican culture who don’t even know English. But they speak Jamaican.

‘Stop draw Jamaica small’

Another reader authoritatively declared that ‘English is the most widely spoken language.’ No. It’s Mandarin Chinese. Wikipedia lists Jamaican Creole in the group of languages with one to 10 million native speakers, giving a 2001 estimate of 3.2 million.

That outdated figure obviously doesn’t take into account the Jamaican diaspora and second language learners of Jamaican from other cultures. I estimate five million speakers, putting Jamaican in the same category as Hebrew, Danish, Norwegian, Swahili, Slovak, Gikuyu and Mongolian.

So there’s no need for us to ‘small up’ ourselves and our mother tongue. Louise Bennett, Jamaica’s premier cultural activist, tried her best to liberate us from the prison of self-doubt. Miss Mattie, one of the many outspoken characters created by Miss Lou, humorously declares:

She hope dem caution worl-map

Fi stop draw Jamaica small

For de lickle speck cyaan show

We independantness at all.

Moresomever we must tell map

We don’t like we position -

Please kindly teck we out a sea

An draw we in de ocean.

I’ll never be able to convince some people that Jamaican is a valuable language. I take consolation in another Marcus Garvey quotation: “God and nature first made us what we are, and then out of our own created genius we make ourselves what we want to be. Follow always that great law. Let the sky and God be our limit and Eternity our measurement.” This could easily be translated into Jamaican. But I don’t want to stress those people who have such a hard time reading and writhing!

This week, we celebrate the 123rd anniversary of the birth of the Right Excellent Marcus Mosiah Garvey. On August 17, Liberty Hall: The Legacy of Marcus Garvey hosts an open house and cultural fair dubbed, ‘Harambee.’ That Swahili word means ‘all pull together.’

Liberty Hall also launches the Marcus Garvey lecture today at 4 p.m. Professor Verene Shepherd will speak on ‘Marcus Garvey and the Education of People of African Descent in a Post-Colonial Society’. The venue is the Petroleum Corporation of Jamaica auditorium at 36 Trafalgar Road. It’s a pity that the event has gone uptown; but I gather that there are good technical reasons for not using Liberty Hall. The quality of sound recording in the open-sided great hall is not ideal.

Rastafari Studies Conference

Marcus Garvey would certainly endorse another major cultural event this week: the inaugural Rastafari Studies conference hosted by the Institute of Caribbean Studies at the University of the West Indies, Mona. The theme is ‘Negotiating the African Presence: Rastafari Livity and Scholarship’.

The conference is the brainchild of Dr Jahlani Niaah, who considered it imperative to commemorate the publication in 1960 of the far-reaching Report on the Rastafari Movement in Kingston, Jamaica. Co-authored by social anthropologist M.G. Smith, historian Roy Augier, and cultural critic Rex Nettleford, the high-level report, published by the then University College of the West Indies, confirmed the central role of academics as public intellectuals engaging with the pressing issues of the day.

Revolutionary Marcus Garvey had long advocated a daring conception of God that is celebrated by Rastafari: “If the white man has the idea of a white God, let him worship his God as he desires. If the yellow man’s God is of his race, let him worship his God as he sees fit. We, as Negroes, have found a new ideal. Whilst our God has no colour, yet it is human to see everything through one’s own spectacles, and since the white people have seen their God through white spectacles, we have only now started out (late though it be) to see our God through our own spectacles.

“The God of Isaac and the God of Jacob, let Him exist for the race that believes in the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob. We Negroes believe in the God of Ethiopia, the everlasting God – God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Ghost, the One God of all ages. That is the God in whom we believe, but we shall worship Him through the spectacles of Ethiopia.”

Liberated from mental slavery, Garvey was able to envision an all-embracing plurality of gods. Refusing to bear the psychological burdens of the white man’s greedy god, Garvey created out of his own genius an ideology of emancipation that Rastafari affirms. As a nation, are we prepared to claim Garvey and Rastafari?

Carolyn Cooper, PhD, is a public intellectual specialising in cultural enterprise management. She is founder and director of the Global Reggae Studies Centre, a private- sector initiative. Send feedback to or .

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Spear and the Garvey factor

Garvey
Burning Spear

Howard Campbell, Gleaner Writer

Today marks the 123rd year of pan-African leader Marcus Garvey's birth. It is also 35 years since Burning Spear recorded 'Marcus Garvey', one of the seminal albums of popular music.

Singer Winston 'Burning Spear' Rodney was cooling out at the Key Largo Beach in his hometown of St Ann's Bay in 1975 when he ran into Lawrence Lindo, a sound system operator popularly known as Jack Ruby. Their meeting was pivotal.

In a 1999 interview, Spear said Ruby spoke of his admiration for his work at the famed Studio One and expressed a desire to work with him. Ruby, who reportedly had ties to the illegal drug trade, said he would put up the funds to record the singer's debut album.

Spear agreed, and in a matter of weeks, he and back-up singers Rupert Wellington and Delroy Hines were at Randy's studio in downtown Kingston, where Ruby had assembled several of Jamaica's top musicians to record Marcus Garvey, a passionate homage to the country's first National Hero.

Bobby Ellis was one of those musicians. During a 2003 interview, he hailed Spear's ode to a forgotten hero.

"There was nobody talking 'bout Garvey at the time even though everybody was into black consciousness," Ellis recalled. "Spear felt Garvey was the right man for the times because that's what he stood for, black consciousness."

Born in 1887, Garvey was also a St Ann's Bay native. He left Jamaica in the 1900s and eventually ended up in Harlem, New York which had become a mecca for black thinkers like writers Langston Hughes and Zora Neale Hurston.

Fraud charges

Garvey became a leader of the Harlem Renaissance but, hounded by United States law enforcement, he was imprisoned on dubious fraud charges, then deported to Jamaica. He died from a stroke in London in June 1940.

His body was exhumed and shipped to Jamaica in November 1964. He was also officially recognised as a National Hero.


Spear, who took his moniker from Kenyan freedom fighter Jomo Kenyatta, had been inspired by Garvey's teachings. His early recordings were done for producer Clement 'Coxson' Dodd at Studio One, but though songs like Door Peep, Swell Headed, Foggy Road and The Sun were well received, they were not big sellers.

With little happening for his career, he retreated to St Ann's Bay. Four years after leaving Kingston, he met the jocular Ruby who was eyeing a new career as a producer.

At the time, roots-reggae was taking off internationally through Bob Marley, another St Ann-born singer/songwriter. Most of the musicians who worked on Marcus Garvey had done session work, or toured, with Marley.

They included guitarists Tony Chin and Earl 'Chinna' Smith of the Soul Syndicate Band; bass players Aston 'Family Man' Barrett and Robbie Shakespeare; keyboardists Tyrone Downie, Earl 'Wya' Lindo and Bernard 'Touter' Harvey.

The drummer was Leroy 'Horsemouth' Wallace while the horn section was completed by saxophonists Richard 'Dirty Harry' Hall and Herman Marquis, and trombonist Vin Gordon.

Ellis remembers the Marcus Garvey sessions taking three weeks to complete.

He says they were special.

"It was great, yuh know, everybody was striving for excellence in those days," he explained. "Spear is more of a chanter an' he doesn't use a lot of words, so that gives the musician an opportunity to express themselves."

Marcus Garvey was a revelation. It included the title track, Old Marcus Garvey, Slavery Days and Tradition, militant songs which introduced Spear to an audience that follows him to this day.

The album was picked up for distribution by Chris Blackwell's Island Records, and helped solidify reggae's emergence.

Garvey has been the unwavering focus of Burning Spear's music for over 35 years. He has won two Grammy Awards for Best Reggae Album and in 2007, was awarded the Order of Distinction (Jamaica's fifth highest civic honour) for his contribution to his country's music.

Jack Ruby, who is the grandfather of pop sensation Sean Kingston, died from an heart attack in 1989. Bobby Ellis, now 78, recorded six albums with Spear and toured as his musical director for 10 years.
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Nubia: The Nile’s Other Kingdom

  Nubia: The Nile’s Other Kingdom

 

Ancient Nubia (Sudan) Around 5,000 years ago, a rich and powerful nation called the kingdom of Kush (also referred to as ancient Nubia) was a center of culture and military might in Africa. Ancient Nubia had a wealth of natural resources such as gold, ivory, copper, frankincense and ebony but they also produced and traded a variety of goods such as pottery.  The Nubians formed the foundation of the Proto-Dravidians, Proto-Elamites, Proto-Mande speakers and West Atlantic people.

 
 
Their bowmen warriors were known and feared by those who saw them in battles. Ancient Nubia’s lands are now part of modern Egypt and Sudan. Its geographic position meant that much of ancient Nubia’s development is connected to that of ancient Egypt. In fact, Egypt ruled much of Nubia between 2000 B.C. and 1000 B.C., but when Egypt collapsed into civil war, Nubian kings ruled Egypt from around 800 B.C. to 700 B.C.

 
The Nubians are believed to be the first human race on earth, and most of their customs and traditions were adopted by the ancient Egyptians. To the Greeks, they were known as Ethiopians and Nubia as the land of Punts, i.e. the land of gods.

 
Nubians are the people of northern Sudan and southern Egypt. With a history and traditions which can be traced to the dawn of civilization, the Nubian first settled along the banks of the Nile from Aswan. Along this great river they developed one of the oldest and greatest civilizations in Africa. Until they lost their last kingdom (Christian Nubia) only five centuries back the Nubians remained as the main rivals to the other great African civilization of Egypt.

 
Nubia is the homeland of Africa’s earliest black culture with a history which can be traced from 3800 B.C. onward through Nubian monuments and artifacts, as well as written records from Egypt and Rome. In antiquity, Nubia was a land of great natural wealth, of gold mines, ebony, ivory and incense which was always prized by her neighbors.
Although Sudan had remained the main homeland of Nubians through their long history, many of their descendants is today’s Egypt. But still the majority of Nubians of today are Sudanese. With only a population of slightly above 300,000 they are a minority in both countries. Nevertheless being of African descent they resemble other Sudanese people more than Egyptians.

 
Nubians in both Sudan and Egypt have suffered a lot from intentional overlooking to their history and culture as well as displacement, relocation due to flooding and inundation of their homeland by dams constructed south of Egypt.

 
In the 1930s a large proportion of the Nubian villages along the Nile were totally submerged. Some Nubians decided to move north into Egypt. The majority, however, chose to stay in their doomed country, and rebuilt their houses on higher ground above the new shoreline.

 
During this century the Nubian homeland had been inundated three times, however the 1960 Nubian exodus is the most painful to all Nubians. Following the construction of Aswan High Dam in 1960 the land of Nubia between Aswan in Egypt and the 4th cataract in Sudan (main area of Nubians) was the subject of flooding and inundation. Nubians were displaced and relocated in other areas in both Sudan and Egypt. Great Nubian monuments and historical sites were drowned and lost for good. The monuments of Nubia would have ultimately been lost to the depths of the lake had it not been for the joint effort of 50 countries providing financial contributions and expertise in an effort to save the monuments. Wherever feasible, monuments were dismantled or cut from the rock and reassembled at new sites in Egypt and Sudan. Cemeteries and structures that could not be moved . . . were excavated and recorded in as much detail as possible.

 
The Nubians lost their ancient homeland in the 1960′s, but their culture and heritage remain.

 
The influx of Arabs to Egypt and Sudan had contributed to the suppression of the Nubian identity following the collapse of the last Nubian kingdom in 1900. A major part of the Nubian population were totally arabized or claimed to be arabs (Jaa’leen-the majority of Northern Sudanese- and some Donglawes in Sudan, Kenuz and Koreskos in Egypt). However all Nubians were converted to Islam, and Arabic language became their main media of communication in addition to their indigenous old Nubian language. The unique characteristic of Nubian is shown in their culture (dress, dances, traditions and music) as well as their indigenous language which is the common feature of all Nubians.

  

Two New York Times Magazine Articles:

 

THE ARTS/ARCHAEOLOGY  SEPTEMBER 15, 1997, VOL. 150, NO. 11

 

THE NILE’S OTHER KINGDOM

 

NUBIA, NOT EGYPT, MAY HAVE BEEN THE FIRST TRUE AFRICAN CIVILIZATION

 
BY SCOTT MACLEOD

 
Excavations in Sudan are revealing that this area, formerly called Nubia, could have been the cradle of African civilization. Teams of archeologists from the US, Europe and Sudan are finding antiquities that show a sophisticated and original culture that could have influenced Egypt.

 
Archaeologist Timothy Kendall was leading an expedition in northern Sudan earlier this year when one of his diggers came across a slab of intricately carved stone hidden in rubble. Soon after, another slab turned up, and then another, until there were 25 in all, laid out in the sand like an archaeological jigsaw puzzle. Fitted together, the pieces formed a dazzling tableau: golden stars set against an azure sky, with crowned vultures flying off into the distance. Flying where, precisely? Kendall, an associate curator at Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts, thinks he knows. And if his hunch is correct, he may be a few tons of rubble away from a major archaeological find.

 
Kendall’s breakthrough, when and if it comes, should be one of many arising from that corner of Africa. Long considered an archaeological after thought by scientists exploring the more famous temples and pyramids of Egypt, just to the north, Sudan is suddenly the hot place to be–and not just because of the equatorial temperatures that register as high as 100[degrees]F even during the prime winter digging season. At least 15 teams from the U.S., Europe and Sudan are sifting through the same sands for secrets of ancient Nubia, the world’s first black civilization, which at its height stretched more than 1,000 miles along the Nile River, from what is today the central part of Sudan to the southern reaches of Egypt.

 
Everything uncovered thus far supports the conviction that has been building among scholars during the past 20 years that the Nubians were not just vassals and trading partners of the Egyptian Pharaohs but also the creators of an ancient and impressive civilization of their own, with a homegrown culture that may have been the most complex and cosmopolitan in all Africa.

 
That’s why Kendall is particularly interested in the jigsaw tableau he has laid out on the sand. The newly discovered blocks, he believes, once made up the vaulted ceiling of a passageway that led to a temple dug into a 300-ft.-high hill known today as Jebel Barkal. It was there, Kendall thinks, that rulers in the ancient Nubian kingdom of Napata and Meroe, which dated from 900 B.C. to A.D. 350, practiced their coronation rites, climaxing in a crowning by the god Amun.

 
The passage Kendall discovered was, he believes, closed by an earthquake and rockslide sometime between A.D. 100 and A.D. 200. That’s the bad news–and the good news, for the same wall of rubble that separates Kendall from his temple probably kept out treasure hunters as well. Once he manages to bore through a few huge boulders and track the flight of those majestic vultures, he hopes to find that the temple’s interior, and whatever treasure it holds, has been preserved intact for 18 centuries.

 
Such findings, according to Dietrich Wildung, curator of the Egyptian Museum in Berlin, represent “nothing less than the discovery of a new dimension of the ancient world.” The sense of breaking new ground, and of taking archaeology in a new direction, has contributed to what Wildung calls “the pioneer spirit in Sudan.”

 
Archaeologists aren’t the only ones who are rediscovering Sudan’s ancient treasures. One of the greatest exhibitions of Nubian art ever assembled is currently touring France, Germany and the Netherlands. The show, which will continue into next year, features statues, pottery, jewelry and other artifacts that were recovered in excavations dating back to 1842, when Karl Lepsius, a Prussian archaeologist, first surveyed the region known in the Old Testament as Cush, in Greek literature as Aethiopia and by the Romans as Nubia (possibly a corruption of the Egyptian word for gold).

 
Although the early surveyors reported that Sudan contained more pyramids than did Egypt, the country remained what Wildung calls an archaeological “no-man’s-land” until quite recently. The first excavators from Europe found Egypt to be less backward, less remote and less prone to yellow fever, and thus far more pleasant and accessible. Egypt’s sites also proved to be so rich that there was little reason to search farther up the Nile.

 
Another problem, scholars now firmly believe, was racial prejudice, which turned many in the field away from cultures emanating from deeper in Africa. Prominent Egyptologists–including the noted American George Reisner, who worked in Sudan–thought they were excavating the remains of an offshoot of Egyptian culture. “They didn’t believe black Africa was capable of producing high civilization,” says Kendall.

 
The latest crop of discoveries is helping put such ideas to rest. French archaeologists, for example, have found exquisite ceramic figurines, bowls and funerary objects at sites that date from at least 8000 B.C. They are as old as any Neolithic sites in Africa and predate prehistoric finds in Egypt by a staggering 3,000 years. This strongly suggests to Hassan Hussein Idris, director of Sudan’s National Board for Antiquities and Museums, that ancient Nubia might have been an important source of Egypt’s civilization, as well as the other way around.

 
Not all archaeologists are prepared to go that far. But there is now enough evidence for a scientific consensus that ancient Nubia, beginning in the Stone Age, developed its own distinct civilization–or rather, a series of overlapping civilizations–influenced by Africa, Arabia and the Sahara as well as by Egypt. Moreover, many scholars believe these Nubian kingdoms hold even more clues to the origins of African culture than does Egypt, which, because of its unique position abutting Asia and the Mediterranean, is regarded by many archaeologists as having developed independently from the rest of the continent.

 
The new perspective owes much to the work of Swiss archaeologist Charles Bonnet, who has spent the past 24 years excavating Kerma, the seat of Africa’s greatest empire (outside Egypt) between 2500 B.C. and 1500 B.C. Bonnet acknowledges that he went to Sudan initially to find Egyptian civilization. “But step by step,” he confesses, “I came to understand that the Nubian civilizations are really extraordinary. There might be Egyptian influences, but there is a Nubian originality and a Nubian identity.”

 
Two years ago, Bonnet excavated a funerary temple in Kerma that powerfully illustrates Nubia’s synthesis of frontier influences. On one interior wall he found Egyptian motifs, including Nile fishing boats, bullfights and an enormous crocodile. Another wall was covered with rows of giraffes and hippopotamuses–African wildlife rarely seen in ancient Egypt.

 
At Jebel Barkal, Kendall hopes to shed new light on the symbiotic relationship of Nubian and Egyptian civilizations. The first temples there were constructed between 1460 B.C. and 1200 B.C., during the relatively brief period when Egypt ruled Nubia. Kendall believes the Egyptians chose this particular craggy hill for a royal sanctuary because, when seen from a distance, Jebel Barkal’s silhouette resembles, even today, a crown adorned with a cobra, which is a symbol of royal power. The Egyptians believed Jebel Barkal to be a prime residence of the god Amun, the bestower of royal authority–a notion that was later taken up by the Nubians. About 730 B.C., when the Nubians rose up and conquered Egypt, establishing what became known as Egypt’s 25th dynasty, they drew on the authority granted by Amun at Jebel Barkal to justify their rule over both lands.

 
Kendall doesn’t know what secrets the temple will yield when he finally breaks through the pile of rubble separating him from the interior. Will he find cult goddesses? Jeweled crowns? Kingly scepters? Or perhaps the remains of a priest or two, trapped for 18 centuries by that earthquake? Alas, there will be no answers until the next digging season begins in January. It’s still summer in Sudan, and much too hot for archaeology.

(The Contents of the New York Times, March 1, 1979 article that appeared on pages 1 & A16)

 
Nubian Monarchy Called Oldest
By Boyce Renseberger

 
(From page 1)

 
Evidence of the oldest recognizable monarchy in human history, preceding the rise of the earliest Egyptian kings by several generations, has been discovered in artifacts from ancient Nubia in Africa.

 
Until now it had been assumed that at that time the ancient Nubian culture, which existed in what is now northern Sudan and southern Egypt, had not advanced beyond a collection of scattered tribal clans and chiefdoms.

 
The existence of rule by kings indicates a more advanced form of political organization in which many chiefdoms are united under a more powerful and wealthier ruler.

 
The discovery is expected to stimulate a new appraisal of the origins of civilization in Africa, raising the question of to what extent later Egyptian culture may have derived its advanced political structure from the Nubians. The various symbols of Nubian royalty that have been found are the same as those associated, in later times, with Egyptian kings.

 
The new findings suggest that the ancient Nubians may have reached this stage of political development as long ago as 3300 B.C., several generations before the earliest documented Egyptian king.

 
The discovery is based on study of artifacts from ancient tombs excavated 15 years ago in an international effort

 
(From page A16)

 Clues to Oldest Monarchy Found in Nubia


 
to rescue archeological deposits before the rising waters of the Aswan Dam covered them.

 
The artifacts, including hundreds of fragments of pottery, jewelry, stone vessels, and ceremonial objects such as incense burners, were initially recovered from the Qustul cemetery by Keith C. Seele, a professor at the University of Chicago. The cemetery, which contained 33 tombs that were heavily plundered in ancient times, was on the Nile near the modern boundary between Egypt and the Sudan.

 
The significance of the artifacts, which had been in storage at the university’s oriental Institute, was not fully appreciated until last year, when Bruce Williams, a research associate, began to study them.

 
“Keith Seele had suspected the tombs were special, perhaps even royal,” Dr. Williams said in an interview. “It was obvious from the quantity and quality of the painted pottery and the jewelry that we were dealing with wealthy people. But it was the picture on a stone incense burner that indicated we really had the tomb of a king.”

 
On the incense burner, which was broken and had to be pieced together, was a depiction of a palace façade, a crowned king sitting on a throne in a boat, a royal standard before the king and, hovering above the king, the falcon god Horus. Most of the images are ones commonly associated with kingship in later Egyptian traditions.

 
The portion of the incense burner bearing the body of the king is missing but, Dr. Williams said, scholars are agreed that the presence of the crown in a form well known from dynastic Egypt and the god Horus are irrefutable evidence that the complete image was that of a king.

 
                                                                                                         
Clue on Incense Burner

The majestic figure on the incense burner, Dr. Williams said, is the earliest known representation of a king in the Nile Valley. His name is unknown, but he is believed to have lived approximately three generations before the time of Scorpion, the earliest-known Egyptian ruler. Scorpion was one of three kings said to have ruled Egypt before the start of what is called the first dynasty around 3050 B.C.

 
Dr. Williams said the dating is based on correlations of artistic styles in the Nubian pottery with similar styles in predynastic Egyptian pottery, which is relatively well dated.

 
He said some of the Nubian artifacts bore disconnected symbols resembling those of Egyptian hieroglyphics that were not readable.

 
“They were on their way to literacy,” Dr. Williams said, “probably quite close to Egypt in this respect.”

 
He said it was not known what the ancient Nubian civilization was called at the time but that he suspected it was Ta-Seti, a name known from Egyptian writings that means “Land of the Bow,” referring to the weapon which, apparently, was deemed characteristic of peoples in that part of Africa.

 
Dr. Williams said there were accounts in later Egyptian writings of the Egyptians attacking Ta-Seti some time around 3000 B.C. This is just about the time, according to the archeological record, when a major cultural transformation began in that part of Nubia. Little is known of what was happening in this region between 3000 B.C. and 2300 B.C. when inhabitants were unquestionably governed by separate chiefdoms.

 
Their descendents, he suggested, may have developed the Sudanese Kingdom of Kush, based in Kerma, Egyptians for sovereignty and, in fact, prevailed over them for a while.

 
A detailed monograph on the discoveries is in preparation, but there is no deadline and publication is expected to be a few years away.

 2008 Latest Research Notes

Charles Bonnet. The Nubian Pharaohs, Black Kings of the Nile, October 2006, page 16:

 
Human populations settled in the Kerma basin at a very early date, as witnessed by several Mesolithic and Neolithic sites. The earliest traces of a human presence in the region date back some eight hundred thousands years. From 7500 BC onward the remains become more significant: semi-buried dwellings, various objects and tools, and graves. The Neolithic phrase, from the late sixth to the fourth millennium BC, is much better known and allows us to follow the stages of the spread of agriculture and the domestication of cattle in this period. Around 3000 BC a town grew up not far from the Neolithic dwellings place.

 
The Nubian Town and Its Necropolis

 
In the past thirty years, systematic excavation of Nubian Kerma has presented a picture of a capital city in the third and second millennia BCE. The evolution of the residential area is highly complex, yet it is possible to identify social differences and a marked hierarchy. Furthermore, we might speculate about the general nature of this town, which seems to correspond above all to a protected zone reserved for an elite population. Whereas elsewhere in the kingdom we find towns that centralized agricultural products and villages that we situated alongside fields of crops, here in the capital we find spacious homes inhabited by dignitaries who monitored the trade in merchandise arriving from far-off lands, and who supervised shipments dispatched from administrative buildings.

 
In the Old Kerma (2450-2050 BCE), religious buildings and special workshops for preparing offerings were built using trunks of acacia trees, and roofed with palm fibers. These plant-based materials, once encased in hardened clay, could be painted in lively colors. The round huts were usually made of wood and clay. This method of construction, inspired by traditions dating back to prehistory, is still being used today.

 
Around 2200-2000 BCE, the builders began using unfired mud-bricks. Later, the use of fired bricks constituted a significant change, because such material remained almost unknown elsewhere along the Nile Valley until the Late Period.

 
Since 1977, Charles Bonnet has been the director of the Kerma site.
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Nubian Spirit: The African Legacy of the Nile Valley (Trailer)

Nubian Spirit: The African Legacy of the Nile Valley (Trailer)

The film digs deep into Ancient Africa’s numerous contributions to modern civilization. It draws out the reality of such disciplines as astronomy, architecture, science and much more that the Ancient Africans used to make sense of their world.

The film features dynamic interviews with leading scholars Robin Walker, K.N Chimbiri, Anthony Browder, Ife Piankhi, Onyeka, Dr. Kimani Nehusi, Rashid El Shelkh, an archaeologist and ground breaking museum curators Stephen Quirke and Sally-Ann Ashton.

This story predate Judaism by over 1000 years and it can still be seen written on ancient temple walls and on papyrus. These stories today raise the question;

“Did the early Israelites, Christians & Muslims really just copy their religious teachings from ancient Kemetians (Egyptian) texts?”

To buy this Documentary Film Visit:http://www.blackninefilms.com/docs/shop.html

Check out this radio interview with the director and producer Louis Buckley. (Link)

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Wadi Kubbaniya (ca. 17,000–15,000 B.C.)

In Egypt, the earliest evidence of humans can be recognized only from tools found scattered over an ancient surface, sometimes with hearths nearby. In Wadi Kubbaniya, a dried-up streambed cutting through the Western Desert to the floodplain northwest of Aswan in Upper Egypt, some interesting sites of the kind described above have been recorded. A cluster of Late Paleolithic camps was located in two different topographic zones: on the tops of dunes and the floor of the wadi (streambed) where it enters the valley. Although no signs of houses were found, diverse and sophisticated stone implements for hunting, fishing, and collecting and processing plants were discovered around hearths. Most tools were bladelets made from a local stone called chert that is widely used in tool fabrication. The bones of wild cattle, hartebeest, many types of fish and birds, as well as the occasional hippopotamus have been identified in the occupation layers. Charred remains of plants that the inhabitants consumed, especially tubers, have also been found.

It appears from the zoological and botanical remains at the various sites in this wadi that the two environmental zones were exploited at different times. We know that the dune sites were occupied when the Nile River flooded the wadi because large numbers of fish and migratory bird bones were found at this location. When the water receded, people then moved down onto the silt left behind on the wadi floor and the floodplain, probably following large animals that looked for water there in the dry season. Paleolithic peoples lived at Wadi Kubbaniya for about 2,000 years, exploiting the different environments as the seasons changed. Other ancient camps have been discovered along the Nile from Sudan to the Mediterranean, yielding similar tools and food remains. These sites demonstrate that the early inhabitants of the Nile valley and its nearby deserts had learned how to exploit local environments, developing economic strategies that were maintained in later cultural traditions of pharaonic Egypt.

Diana Craig Patch
Department of Egyptian Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

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Royal mummies are african:CRUSHING WHITE SUPREMACY(egypy/kemet)

Royal mummies are african:CRUSHING WHITE SUPREMACY(egypy/kemet)

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