Archive for July 1st, 2010

The European Origins of Dog Fighting

As much as Mike Vick is hated and despised by White America the ethnic group that historically has loved animals more than their fellow man Michael was practicing a sport created by and for white people.

A History of Dogfighting

by Monica Villavicencio

A dogfight in  Afghanistan

Paula Bronstein, Getty ImagesDogfighting was banned in Afghanistan under the Taliban but is now a popular spectator sport.

The genesis of dogfighting as a sport can be traced to a clash of ancient civilizations. When the Romans invaded Britain in 43 A.D., both sides brought fighting dogs to the battlefield for the seven years of warfare that followed. The Romans may have won the war, but the British dazzled the victors with the ferocity of their dogs, which were far more battle-ready than their Roman counterparts.

Thus emerged a canine market of sorts. The Romans began to import British fighting dogs for use not only in times of war, but also for public amusement. In Rome’s Colosseum, large audiences would gather to watch gladiator dogs pitted against other animals, such as wild elephants. The vicious dogs, thought to have been crossbred with the Romans’ own fighting breed, were also exported to France, Spain and other parts of Europe, eventually finding their way back to Britain.

The Evolution of a Sport

By the 12th century, the practice of baiting — releasing fighting dogs into the ring with chained bulls and bears — had grown in popularity in England. For several centuries, baiting was considered a respectable form of entertainment among the English nobility. The practice, during which the dogs scratched and bit the bulls, was also used to tenderize meat for consumption. But by the early 19th century, the increasing scarcity and rising cost of bulls and bears, as well as growing concern about the issue of animal cruelty, damped the appeal of the sport. In 1835, the British Parliament outlawed all baiting activities. Following the law’s passage, dog-on-dog combat emerged as the cheaper, legal alternative to baiting. Fighting dogs were crossbred with other breeds to create a fast, agile and vicious animal capable of brawling for hours at a time.

Dog Fighting Around the World

Fighting dogs were imported to the United States shortly before the Civil War and were crossbred in hopes of creating the ultimate fierce canine fighter: the American Pit Bull Terrier. Dogfighting quickly became a popular spectator and betting sport in the U.S. and parts of Europe, Asia and Latin America. But concern about the humaneness of dogfighting grew, and by the 1860s, most states had outlawed the sport. Nonetheless, it continued to flourish into the 20th century, with widespread support from the general public and police officials.

Though legal in Japan and parts of Russia, dogfighting has been outlawed in most of the world. Still, it remains popular. Legal or not, dog fights are held openly in parts of Latin America, Pakistan and Eastern Europe, and clandestinely in the U.S. and the United Kingdom. Wayne Pacelle, president of the Humane Society of the United States, estimates that at least 40,000 people are involved in the industry domestically. He calls today’s dogfighting the modern-day equivalent of the ancient Roman Colosseum battles.

In Afghanistan, too, the dogfighting industry has seen a resurgence, after virtually disappearing under the Taliban, who outlawed the sport to prevent betting – which is not permitted in Islam. Animal cruelty arguments d’n't carry much weight in Afghanistan, where dogfighting is a big business and a source of income for the owners of champion dogs.

Rescuing Fighting Dogs

The industry is also booming in the U.S., concentrated in urban areas and the rural South. Nationally, about 30 percent of all dogs in animal shelters are pit bulls, the breed used for dogfighting; in some areas, that figure can climb to 60 percent.

Not all rescued pit bulls are involved in the practice, but John Goodwin of the Human Society of the U.S. says that many bear the hallmarks of the industry: a fight-crazy disposition and the scars to prove it.

Rescued dogs are kept at animal shelters until a judge makes a determination on the dog’s fate. Because fight dogs have been bred to attack and kill other dogs, almost all of them are euthanized. There are no definitive figures on how many fight dogs are rescued in the U.S. annually, but Goodwin says that about 4 million dogs in shelters are euthanized each year.

Phenomenal Documentary though graphic on Dog Fighting:

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African American Teen Accepted into Four Ivy League Universities

Teen Accepted into Four Ivy League Universities

Thursday, June 24, 2010 | 6:00 AM

by Yolanda Sangweni

Marie-Fatima Hyacinthe never dreamed she would be attending an Ivy League university, much less have to choose from four. Born and raised in the working class neighborhood of East Flatbush, Brooklyn, the 17-year-old student was (and still is) in shock after finding out she was accepted into Harvard, Yale, Brown and University of Pennsylvania. She decided on Harvard.

She spoke with ESSENCE.com about choosing to go to President Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama’s alma mater, and the lessons her parents taught her about education.

ESSENCE.com:  Can you tell us about finding out you had been accepted into Harvard, Yale, University of Pennsylvania and Brown?
MARIE-FATIMA HYACINTHE:
I’m still in shock. My friends were really excited and said they weren’t surprised, but I was.

ESSENCE.com: What made you decide to go to Harvard?
HYACINTHE:
When I went to visit for the accepted students’ weekend, I felt a real connection with the campus. While I could have seen myself happy at all the schools I got accepted to, I just felt like I would be more at home at Harvard. I could see myself taking advantage of all the opportunities it would offer me.

ESSENCE.com: Did the fact that President Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama went to Harvard have any influence on your decision?
HYACINTHE:
[laughs] Not when I was first thinking about it, but now I like to say that I’m going to President Obama and Mrs. Obama’s alma mater.

ESSENCE.com:  What are you going to study?
HYACINTHE:
I’m going in undecided. I’m thinking of a pre-med track but I’m also thinking of international relations with a concentration in government.  I’m open to everything.

ESSENCE.com: Tell us about your high school career. What helped you get to where you are?
HYACINTHE:
In the seventh grade my family applied for a program called “A Better Chance” which helps students of minority backgrounds get into independent schools all over the country. Because of that I was able to attend the Hewitt School, an all-girls independent school in New York City. It’s really small — there are only 30 of us in our grade — so I was able to see where my passions lied and really cultivate my interests. I can say my school played a huge part because its so small and we got individualized attention.

ESSENCE.com: What kind of student are you?
HYACINTHE:
I’m one of those people who loves to learn new things. I’m a very big reader and I like having conversations at all times. I think some of my best learning moments have come from my peers, which is the reason why I chose Harvard because I felt like the students there would have a lot to teach me. I hate math, but other than that I’m a very open and interested learner.

ESSENCE.com: What about the way your parents raised you made it possible for you to be so interested in learning?
HYACINTHE:
I come from a family that is very interested in education. My mother works as a social worker in schools, I have an aunt who is a teacher and another who is a principal. I’m a first-generation Haitian-American. My parents are Haitian immigrants so they value education and hard work above everything because of their background. That taught me to try my best and constantly work at my highest potential. I think I’ve learned a lot about self-motivation and being community-minded from my parents.

ESSENCE.com: Have you thought about what this means to you as a Black female?
HYACINTHE:
The school that I just graduated from is on the Upper East Side of Manhattan so I’m used to being one of a few students of minority background. I feel like it’s not going to be that much of a change, besides, Harvard has a very strong African-American community so I think I’m prepared. I’ve had this conversation with my family and I think I’m ready.

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8-year-old Black twins became the youngest students ever to pass the advanced Maths A level

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DTRT 20 Years Later: You have been kicked to the curb MOOKIE!!!!

You have been kicked to the curb MOOKIE!!!!

By Holly Williams

http://alt.coxnewsweb.com/cnishared/tools/shared/mediahub/04/68/15/slideshow_1156848_buzzrightthing0619.JPG

In urban cites in most specifically New York city there has always been a close relation ship between Latino American and African Americans. From our collective involvement in the birth of Hip Hop culture to the fact that we have and still do live side by side in inner cities across the United States of America, has created close bonds between both ethnic groups.  Spike Lee chose to tackle the dynamics and complexities of this relationship with the characters Mookie and Tina. Tina is the boisterous Puerto Rican Brooklynite with a strong Brooklyn accent and a whiny countenance which mirrors the frustration of an essentially single mother trying to raise their son on her own. Spike came under attack for writing the role as he did but what outraged most Latinos was the fact that she cursed a lot. She seemed to be a stereotypical Latina.

What many people don’t know is that this role was originally written for a black actress. Rosie Perez(Tina) got the role because she read for the part extremely well and Spike realized that her being Latin would give him the ability to explore various issues of single parenthood and Spanish and Black relationships which was a direct reflection of connections historically between these two groups of people. The role of Tina mirrored many women in society who lament the necessity of a father both financially, physically, and morally in the lives of their children. She expressed her dislike of Mookie’s irresponsibility with expletives that seemed to be as popular as the dance she did to Fight the Power in the beginning of the movie. As a mother of color Tina was the voice of frustration and tolerance of women who struggle with the fathers of their children who find themselves hating the daddy and/or loving him at the same time because they have a child together. Tina’s role was not the cussing, sexy, baby momma drama character that everyone on viewed her as on face value. She was the realistic picture of many women everywhere who are more than irritated with the role the father was plays in their life as well as in their child’s life. She left us with the sense of “if your coming, your better come correct or don’t come at all.” She left a resounding message to dads all over the world, Do the Right Thing and be a father to your child!”

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White Power in Blackface: First Black President Cuts Funds For Black Higher Education

First Black President Cuts Funds For Black Higher Education

Wed, 05/13/2009 – 06:18 — Glen Ford

whatever

A Black Agenda Radio commentary by BAR executive editor Glen Ford


President Obama’s economic stimulus was very kind to the general category of education. But Black higher education got the butt end of his budget, with a net of $73 million in cuts, while traditionally Hispanic schools got an increase in funding. “It would be difficult to find anyplace in the federal budget where $73 million has a more concentrated impact on the fortunes of a particular ethnic group.” Even southern Republican lawmakers are wondering aloud about Obama’s priorities.

First Black President Cuts Funds for Black Higher Education

A Black Agenda Radio commentary by Glen Ford
Obama should be given a brief refresher course in the history that makes direct aid to Black schools necessary.”
Barack Obama encourages people to believe that he deserves to be remembered as the “Education President.” However, Obama will definitely not go down as a friend of historically Black higher education. Historically Black colleges and universities – HBCUs – take a $73 million hit in Obama’s educational budget. The cuts are even more disturbing, since education as a general category is a big winner in the president’s economic stimulus plan.
Obama’s people claim that an increase in maximum Pell Grant monies for low-income students will help all educational institutions, including historically Black ones. But that’s not quite true. Even if every one of the 132,000 Pell Grant students that attend HBCUs collected the maximum $200 extra dollars in Obama’s budget, that would only make up for one-third of the administration’s cuts to the Black schools. In other words, Obama’s slightly rising tide of Pell Grants will not sufficiently lift historically Black higher education boats.
The $73 million loss would have an outsized impact on the 105 Black institutions, many of which are on perennially shaky financial ground, and all of which have been hit hard by the current economic crisis. Although Black schools make up only three percent of total U.S. college enrollment, they account for one out of every five undergraduate degrees awarded to African Americans. It would be difficult to find anyplace in the federal budget where $73 million has a more concentrated impact on the fortunes of a particular ethnic group.

The Obama budget actually increased direct federal aid to heavily Hispanic schools, from $93 million to $98 million.”

A direct comparison might be made with colleges that traditionally serve large numbers of Hispanic students. However,the Obama budget actually increased direct federal aid to these schools, from $93 million to $98 million. Native American higher education, on the other hand, gets the “Black” treatment: a decrease in federal funding to Indian schools.
The Obama administration’s callous disregard for Black colleges is even more curious, considering the president’s constant quest for areas of bipartisan consensus. Support for Black higher education is one of the rare issues around which southern white Republicans and members of the Congressional Black Caucus often find common ground. North Carolina is home to 11 HBCUs. The state’s Republican Senator, Richard Burr, wonders how Obama managed to find $9 million to fund a museum on the history of the whaling industry, but makes devastating cuts in Black higher education.
The timing couldn’t be worse. Many Black colleges were the products of philanthropy, and depend on it, still. But philanthropy is way down, which has pushed many Black institutions even closer to the edge.
President Obama should also be given a brief refresher course in the history that makes direct aid to Black schools necessary. Blacks were deliberately shut out of most higher education for almost the entirety of United States history. For that reason, Black institutions operate under specific disadvantages, while shouldering oversized responsibilities. There is nothing “race-neutral” about it. Past and present racial realities require that Obama give up the money.
For Black Agenda Radio, I’m Glen Ford. On the web, go to www.BlackAgendaReport.com.
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The African Roman Emperor Septimus Severus

Septimius Severus (193-211 A.D.)

Michael L. Meckler

Ohio State University

http://www.cwo.com/~lucumi/rome.jpg

Introduction

Lucius Septimius Severus restored stability to the Roman empire after the tumultuous reign of the emperor Commodus and the civil wars that erupted in the wake of Commodus’ murder. However, by giving greater pay and benefits to soldiers and annexing the troublesome lands of northern Mesopotamia into the Roman empire, Septimius Severus brought increasing financial and military burdens to Rome’s government. His prudent administration allowed these burdens to be met during his eighteen years on the throne, but his reign was not entirely sunny. The bloodiness with which Severus gained and maintained control of the empire tarnished his generally positive reputation.

Severus’ Early Life and Acclamation

Severus was born 11 April 145 in the African city of Lepcis Magna, whose magnificent ruins are located in modern Libya, 130 miles east of Tripoli. Septimius Severus came from a distinguished local family with cousins who received suffect consulships in Rome under Antoninus Pius. The future emperor’s father seems not to have held any major offices, but the grandfather may have been the wealthy equestrian Septimius Severus commemorated by the Flavian-era poet Statius.[[1]]

The future emperor was helped in his early career by one of his consular cousins, who arranged entry into the senate and the favor of the emperor Marcus Aurelius. Life as a senator meant a life of travel from one government posting to another. Moorish attacks on his intended post of Baetica (southern Spain) forced Severus to serve his quaestorship in Sardinia. He then traveled to Africa as a legate and returned to Rome to be a tribune of the plebs. Around the year 175 he married Paccia Marciana, who seems also to have been of African origin. The childless marriage lasted a decade or so until her death.

Severus’ career continued to flourish as the empire passed from Marcus to Commodus. The young senator held a praetorship, then served in Spain, commanded a legion in Syria and held the governorships of Gallia Lugdunensis (central France), Sicily and Upper Pannonia (easternmost Austria and western Hungary). While in Gallia Lugdunensis in 187, the now-widowed future emperor married Julia Domna, a woman from a prominent family of the Syrian city of Emesa. Two sons quickly arrived, eleven months apart: Bassianus (known to history as Caracalla) in April of the year 188, and Geta in March 189.

News of Pertinax’s assassination 28 March 193 in an uprising by the praetorian guard quickly reached Pannonia, and only twelve days later on 9 April 193, Severus was proclaimed emperor. Septimius Severus had the strong support of the armies along the Rhine and Danube, but the loyalty of the governor of Britain, Clodius Albinus, was in doubt. Severus’ envoys from Pannonia offered Albinus the title of Caesar, which he accepted.

The Civil Wars with Albinus, Niger, and Didius Julianus

In the city of Rome, Didius Julianus gained the support of the praetorian troops and was promoted as the successor to Pertinax. Although Julianus’Julianus’ supporters defected. By the beginning of June when Severus reached Interamna, 50 miles north of Rome, even the praetorian guard stationed in the capital switched sides. Didius Julianus was declared a public enemy and killed. Septimius Severus entered Rome without a fight. authority did not extend much beyond Italy, Severus understood that legitimacy for a Roman emperor meant having one’s authority accepted in Rome. He and his army began a swift march to the city. They met practically no resistance on their advance from Pannonia into northern Italy, as

Civil war was not yet over. Another provincial governor also had his eyes on the throne. In Syria, Pescennius Niger had been proclaimed emperor on news of Pertinax’s death, and the eastern provinces quickly went under his authority. Byzantium became Niger’s base of operations as he prepared to fight the armies of the west loyal to Severus.

Niger was unable to maintain further advances into Europe. The fighting moved to the Asian shore of the Propontis, and in late December 193 or early January 194, Niger was defeated in a battle near Nicaea and fled south. Asia and Bithynia fell under Severus’ control, and Egypt soon recognized Severus’ authority. By late spring, Niger was defeated near Issus and the remainder of his support collapsed. Syria was pacified. Niger was killed fleeing Antioch. Byzantium, however, refused to surrender to Severan forces. Niger’s head was sent to the city to persuade the besieged citizens to give up, but to no avail. The Byzantines held out for another year before surrender. As punishment for their stubbornness, the walls of their city were destroyed.

Severus’ Eastern Campaigns

During the fighting, two of the peoples of upper Mesopotamia — the Osrhoeni and the Adiabeni — captured some Roman garrisons and made an unsuccessful attack on the Roman-allied city of Nisibis. After the defeat of Niger, these peoples offered to return Roman captives and what remained of the seized treasures if the remaining Roman garrisons were removed from the region. Severus refused the offer and prepared for war against the two peoples, as well as against an Arabian tribe that had aided Niger. In the spring of 195, Severus marched an army through the desert into upper Mesopotamia. The native peoples quickly surrendered, and Severus added to his name the victorious titles Arabicus and Adiabenicus. Much of the upper third of Mesopotamia was organized as a Roman province, though the king of Osrhoene was allowed to retain control of a diminished realm.

The tottering Parthian empire was less and less able to control those peoples living in the border regions with Rome. Rome’s eastern frontier was entering a period of instability, and Severus responded with an interventionist policy of attack and annexation. Some senators feared that increased involvement in Mesopotamia would only embroil Rome in local squabbles at great expense. [[2]] The emperor, however, would remain consistent in his active eastern policy.

Legitimization of the Severan Dynasty

Severus also took steps to cement his legitimacy as emperor by connecting himself to the Antonine dynasty. Severus now proclaimed himself the son of Marcus Aurelius, which allowed him to trace his authority, through adoption, back to the emperor Nerva. Julia Domna was awarded the title “Mother of the Camp” (mater castrorum), a title only previously given to the empress Faustina the Younger, Marcus’ wife. Bassianus, the emperor’s elder son, was renamed Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and given the title Caesar. It was this last step that marked a decisive break with Albinus.

Albinus had remained in Britain as governor during the struggles between Severus and Niger. Although Albinus had not attempted open revolt against the emperor, he seems to have been in communication with senators about future moves.[[3]] By the end of 195, Albinus was declared a public enemy by Severus. The governor of Britain responded by proclaiming himself emperor and invading Gaul.

A weary Roman populace used the anonymity of the crowd at the chariot races to complain about renewed civil war, but it was Gaul that bore the brunt of the fighting. Albinus and his supporters were able to inflict losses on the occasion of the initial attacks, but disorder was so great that opportunistic soldiers could easily operate on their own within the lands under Albinus’ nominal control.

The tide began to turn early in 197, and after a Severan victory at Tournus, Albinus found himself and his army trapped near Lyon. A battle broke out 19 February 197. In the initial fighting, Albinus’ troops forced the Severans into retreat, during which Severus fell off his horse. When the Severan cavalry appeared, however, Albinus’ army was routed. Lyon was sacked and Albinus, who was trapped in a house along the river Rhône, committed suicide. Severus ordered Albinus’ head to be cut off and sent to Rome for display. Many of Albinus’ supporters were killed, including a large number of Spanish and Gallic aristocrats. Albinus’ wife and children were killed, as were many of the wives of his supporters. Tradition also told of the mutilation of bodies and denial of proper burial. The emperor revealed a penchant for cruelty that troubled even his fervent supporters. A purge of the senate soon followed. Included among the victims was Pertinax’s father-in-law, Sulpicianus.

Severus and the Roman Military

Severus brought many changes to the Roman military. Soldiers’ pay was increased by half, they were allowed to be married while in service, and greater opportunities were provided for promotion into officer ranks and the civil service. The entire praetorian guard, discredited by the murder of Pertinax and the auctioning of their support to Julianus, was dismissed. The emperor created a new, larger praetorian guard out of provincial soldiers from the legions. Increases were also made to the two other security forces based in Rome: the urban cohorts, who maintained order; and the night watch, who fought fires and dealt with overnight disturbances, break-ins and other petty crime. These military reforms proved expensive, but the measures may well have increased soldiers’ performance and morale in an increasingly unsettled age.

One location that remained unsettled was the eastern frontier. In 197 Nisibis had again been under siege, and the emperor prepared for another eastern campaign. Three new legions were raised, though one was left behind in central Italy to maintain order. The Roman armies easily swept through upper Mesopotamia, traveling down the Euphrates to sack Seleucia, Babylon and Ctesiphon, which had been abandoned by the Parthian king Vologaeses V. On 28 January 198 — the centenary of Trajan’s accession — Severus took the victorious title Parthicus Maximus and promoted both of his sons: Caracalla to the rank of Augustus and Geta to the rank of Caesar.

Before embarking on the eastern campaign, the emperor had named Gaius Fulvius Plautianus as a praetorian prefect. Plautianus came from the emperor’s home town of Lepcis, and the prefect may even have been a relative of the emperor[[4]] The victories in Mesopotamia were followed by tours of eastern provinces, including Egypt. Plautianus accompanied Severus throughout the travels, and by the year 201 Plautianus was the emperor’s closest confidant and advisor. Plautianus was also praetorian prefect without peer after having arranged the murder of his last colleague in the post.

Upon the return to Rome in 202, the influence of Plautianus was at its height. Comparisons were made with Sejanus, the powerful praetorian prefect under the emperor Tiberius. Plautianus, who earlier had been adlected into the senate, was now awarded consular rank, and his daughter Plautilla was married to Caracalla. The wealth Plautianus had acquired from his close connection with the emperor enabled him to provide a dowry said to have been worthy of fifty princesses. [[5]] Celebrations and games also marked the decennalia, the beginning of the tenth year of Severus’ reign. Later in the year the enlarged imperial family traveled to Lepcis, where native sons Severus and Plautianus could display their prestige and power.

The following year the imperial family returned to Rome, where an arch, still standing today, was dedicated to the emperor at the western end of the Forum. Preparations were also being made for the Secular Games, which were thought to have originated in earliest Rome and were to be held every 110 years. Augustus celebrated the Secular Games in 17 B.C., and Domitian in A.D. 88, six years too early. (Claudius used the excuse of Rome’s 800th year to hold the games in A.D. 47.) In 204 Severus would preside over ten days of ceremonies and spectacles.

By the end of 204, Plautianus was finding his influence with the emperor on the wane. Caracalla was not happy to be the husband of Plautilla. Julia Domna resented Plautianus’ criticisms and investigations against her. Severus was tiring of his praetorian prefect’s ostentation, which at times seemed to surpass that of the emperor himself. The emperor’s ailing brother, Geta, also denounced Plautianus, and after Geta’s death the praetorian prefect found himself being bypassed by the emperor. In January 205 a soldier named Saturninus revealed to the emperor a plot by Plautianus to have Severus and Caracalla killed. Plautianus was summoned to the imperial palace and executed. His children were exiled, and Caracalla[[6]] divorced Plautilla. Some observers suspected the story of a plot was merely a ruse to cover up long-term plans for Plautianus’ removal.

Severus and Roman Law

Two new praetorian prefects were named to replace Plautianus, one of whom was the eminent jurist Papinian. The emperor’s position as ultimate appeals judge had brought an ever-increasing legal workload to his office. During the second century, a career path for legal experts was established, and an emperor came to rely heavily upon his consilium, an advisory panel of experienced jurists, in rendering decisions. Severus brought these jurists to even greater prominence. A diligent administrator and conscientious judge, the emperor appreciated legal reasoning and nurtured its development. His reign ushered in the golden age of Roman jurisprudence, and his court employed the talents of the three greatest Roman lawyers: Papinian, Paul and Ulpian.

The order Severus was able to impose on the empire through both the force of arms and the force of law failed to extend to his own family. His now teenaged sons, Caracalla and Geta, displayed a reckless sibling rivalry that sometimes resulted in physical injury. The emperor believed the lack of responsibilities in Rome contributed to the ill-will between his sons and decided that the family would travel to Britain to oversee military operations there. Caracalla was involved in directing the army’s campaigns, while Geta was given civilian authority and a promotion to joint emperor with his father and brother.

Severus was now into his 60s. Chronic gout limited his activities and sapped his strength. The emperor’s health continued to deteriorate in Britain, and he became ever more intent on trying to improve the bitter relationship between his two sons. He is reported to have given his sons three pieces of advice: “Get along; pay off the soldiers; and disregard everyone else.” [[7]] The first piece of advice would not be heeded.

Severus died in York on 4 February 211 at the age of 65. His reign lasted nearly 18 years, a duration that would not be matched until Diocletian. Culturally and ideologically Septimius Severus connected his reign to the earlier Antonine era, but the reforms he enacted would eventually alter the very character of Roman government. By creating a larger and more expensive army and increasing the influence of lawyers in administration, Severus planted the seeds that would develop into the highly militaristic and bureaucratic government of the later empire.

PRIMARY SOURCES:

Cassius Dio, Roman History, bk.73, ch.14-bk.76, ch.17 (available in English translation in the Loeb Classical Library)

Herodian, bk.2, ch.9-bk.3, ch.15 (also available in the Loeb Classical Library).

Historia Augusta, Life of Septimius Severus (not entirely trustworthy; English translations are available in the Loeb Classical Library and in a Penguin translation, Lives of the Later Caesars, tr. Anthony Birley.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Alföldy, Géza. “Septimius Severus und der Senat,” Bonner Jahrbücher 168 (1968) 112-60.

Birley, Anthony R. Septimius Severus: the African emperor, 2nd edition (New Haven, Conn.: Yale, 1988).

Birley, Eric. “Septimius Severus and the Roman Army,” Epigraphische Studien 8 (1969) 63-82, repr. in id., The Roman Army: Papers 1929-1986 (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1988), pp.21-40.

Chastagnol, André, Histoire Auguste (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1994), pp.301-9.

Honoré, Tony. Emperors and Lawyers, 2nd edition (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994).

Millar, Fergus. The Roman Near East (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1993), pp.118-41.

Rubin, Ze’ev. Civil-War Propaganda and Historiography (Brussels: Collection Latomus v.173, 1980).

NOTES:

[[1]]Statius, Silvae 4.5.

[[2]]Dio (Xiph.) 75.3.3.

[[3]]Historia Augusta, Life of Septimius Severus 10.2.

[[4]]Herodian 3.10.6.

[[5]]Dio (Xiph.) 76.1.2.

[[6]]Dio (Xiph.) 76.3 blamed Caracalla for concocting the ruse.

[[7]]Dio (Xiph.) 76.15.2.


Copyright (C) 1998, Michael L. Meckler. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents,including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.
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Malcolm and Mandela: Black Nationalism or Non-racialism? By Grisso*

Malcolm and Mandela: Black Nationalism or Non-racialism?

By Grisso*


Malcolm X on US Postage Stamp

The occasion of the birthday of Malcolm X (May 19) causes me to reflect on the philosophy of Black Nationalism that he preached. I also reflect on the irony in the fact that the Government which, when he were alive, treated Malcolm as a Public Enemy, now honors him by placing his image on a postage stamp. Surely they do not approve of Black Nationalism, and those who espouse it certainly expect, like Malcolm, possibly to pay the ultimate price. Even more lionized by the powers-that-be is Mandela. He who was jailed by the brutal, racist system of Apartheid in South Africa has emerged from his cell to become President of the Republic, to pardon his former captors, and to espouse the ideal of a “non-racial” democracy. Like most, I have great admiration for both men. But is there a contradiction between their respective social and political philosophies, and if so, on whose side, as a people, is it best for us to come down?

I do not think that the two views cannot be reconciled, although on the surface they appear far apart. If one espouses a Black nationalist position, then, by definition, one is espousing race as a factor that should condition one’s economic, political, and/or social behaviors. In contrast, to espouse a “non-racial” approach to these things is presumably to embrace the opposite.

How to reconcile the two? Fundamentally, the reconciliation rests in recognizing the difference between a racist view, and a racialist view. Malcolm was racialist, but he was not racist. And I submit that the African National Congress (ANC) of which Mandela was head is a racialist organization — it is right there in the name. So what is the difference? Racism is the practice or espousal of a behavior which consists in the oppression or subjugation of the “other” based on race. I say behavior, rather than feelings, beliefs, or attitudes, because it is behavior that matters, not whether somebody likes or dislikes another based on race. Since Malcolm never practiced nor espoused behavior calculated to oppress or subjugate others based on race, he cannot be counted a racist. A racialist though he was, clearly. Ditto Marcus Garvey, and ditto Louis Farrakhan, and ditto anybody who calls herself a Black nationalist. Because the “race first” doctrine of a Black Nationalist is predicated on race, they may correctly be called racialist, but not racist. While Mandela, like the others, is clearly not racist, he also must be counted as racialist, because his struggle against apartheid was predicated on the race-based solidarity of those who were enslaved, based on race, under the system of apartheid: you cannot fight racism without introducing race as a predicate of your action. So Malcolm and Mandela, both, have to be counted racialist.

I say that knowing as I do so that Mandela has called for a “non-racial” South Africa. But the sense in which he means that, I believe, is the same sense in which Malcolm would call for an end to racism: the call is for an end to race-based oppression, rather than for an end to “race first” solidarity. Otherwise, one presumes, Mandela would be calling on the ANC to change its name.

In espousing Black nationalism for American Africans, Malcolm was merely pointing what should be obvious. Race-based oppression, or even merely race-based exploitation, can only effectively be countered by race-based solidarity among the racially oppressed group. It is the same with violence, since he who relies on violence to achieve his aims will also yield to superior violence. That is why we arm the police and have a military. But in saying so, I hasten to add, as Malcolm would, that there is not a moral equivalence between, say, the robber who uses violence, and the victim who deploys violence in his own defense. In this analogy, the racist is like the robber; the racialist is like his victim.

The alternative to race-based solidarity as a counter to racism, is assimilation. No doubt assimilation can benefit the few, but it cannot change the condition of the majority of the oppressed as long as racist behaviors remain entrenched in the broader society.

In the context of South Africa, I suspect Mandela feels that, with democratically elected African government, it is only a matter of short time before the oppressed African majority would change their condition. But that task is more difficult than might be supposed.

I say that as a Trinidad African. Trinidad, and indeed all the countries of the Caribbean, had its own form of apartheid prior to independence. I was 11 years old when Trinidad became independent, and I remember the famous expression of independent Trinidad’s first Prime Minister, Dr. Eric Williams, “Massa day done!” Not so fast, it has turned out. Here we are, almost 40 years later, and the same elites that controlled the economy prior to independence continue to do the same today, and the Trinidad African is little further ahead in terms of securing control of his own economics. Ten years after independence, having lost patience, people took to the streets in what became known as the “Black Power” riots. The white and light elites hunkered down, set up vigilante committees, and declared they were not going anywhere. “After the last Black has emigrated to Brooklyn, we will still be here,” they said. Today, there are probably more Trinidad Africans living outside of Trinidad than within, many in the U.S and Canada. And the white and light elites are for the most part still in control of the economy, a “parasitic oligarchy,” as they have been called. Meanwhile, the national anthem proclaims “Here ev’ry creed and race / find an equal place.” No reparations were ever sought from, nor paid by, the white and light elites whose wealth grew from the original theft of land and labor perpetrated by the colonizers, rather there was deceptive talk of “all o’ we is one,” especially every year at carnival time. Today, petty apartheid has once again reared its ugly head, as we see once again, brazen racial discrimination being practiced by such white-owned establishments as Club Coconuts, an “upscale” nightspot.

If Trinidad is any example, South Africa might be well advised to focus less on reconciliation and more on justice, including reparations. And if the “non-racial” doctrine of Mandela has the effect of leaving white elites firmly in charge economically, it might be more advisable for them to heed instead Malcolm’s version of the path to a “non-racial” society, namely one based on Black nationalism, and race-based self-help. The racist powers-that-be would clearly prefer that we play the assimilationist game, staying divided and weak thereby. That may be why they seek to pull the wool over our eyes, yet again, by taking Malcolm mainstream on a postage stamp. Meantime, in South Africa, Mandela’s talk of reconciliation, and non-racialism, is loudly applauded by the white elites, for that way lies the retention by them of all their ill-gotten riches.

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Chavez denounces Israel as a ‘genocidal’ government

Chavez denounces Israel as a ‘genocidal’ government

AP

Monday, 28 June 2010

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez denounced Israel as a “genocidal” government yesterday as he hosted Syrian President Bashar Assad on his first visit to Latin America.

Chavez has drawn close to Syria and Iran, and cut ties with Israel last year to protest its military

offensive in the Gaza Strip.

“We have common enemies,” Mr Chavez said, describing them as “the Yankee empire, the genocidal state of Israel.”

Mr Chavez had particularly strong words for Israel throughout Assad’s visit. He reiterated his view on Saturday that the Golan Heights – captured from Syria by Israel in the 1967 Mideast war – should one day be returned to Syria.

“Someday the genocidal state of Israel will be put in its place, in the proper place and hopefully a real democratic state will be born,” Mr Chavez said. “But it has become the murderous arm of the Yankee empire – who can doubt it? – which threatens all of us.”

Yesterday Mr Assad called Israel a state “based on crime, slaughter.”

“It’s a state without limits,” he said through an interpreter.

Mr Assad praised Mr Chavez for standing up to the US and supporting the Palestinians. Mr Chavez’s outspoken stances in favour of Iran and against Israel have given him a following in the Middle East, and Assad referred to him at one point as an “Arab leader.”

The two allies spoke to an audience of Syrian immigrants at a Caracas hotel on Sunday before Mr Assad left for Cuba, where he did not speak to reporters upon his arrival at Havana’s Jose Marti International Airport.

His regional tour will also eventually take him to Brazil and Argentina.

Before leaving Venezuela, the Syrian leader condemned Israel’s blockade of Gaza and said Syria wants peace in the Mideast but not “submission” on Israel’s terms.

Assad also sardonically suggested Venezuela and Syria could help form an “an organisation called the ‘axis of evil,’ in which good governments would participate.”

Former US President George Bush once used that term for enemies such as Iran and Syria.

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A Life of Reinvention: Manning Marable Chronicles the Life of Malcolm X

A Life of Reinvention: Manning Marable Chronicles the Life of Malcolm X

Marablem5-19

Malcolm X was born 80 years ago today. To commemorate the occasion we hear a speech by Columbia University professor Manning Marable chronicling his life. Marable is currently working on a major new biography of Malcolm X which is tentatively titled “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention.”

Today we are going to spend the hour looking at one of the most dynamic leaders of the 20th century. He was born 80 years ago today but lived only 39 years. I’m talking about Malcolm X. To mark the occasion here in New York, the Shabazz family has temporarily opened the “Malcolm X and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Educational Center,” which is located in what was once the Audubon Ballroom, where Malcolm X was assassinated on February 21, 1965.

A group of people are making a pilgrimage today to the Ferncliff Cemetery in Hartsdale, New York where Malcolm X is buried >During the program today we are going to journey through parts of Malcolm X’s short but extraordinary life. We’ll play portions of the documentary “Malcolm X: Make it Plain.” But first, we begin with Professor Manning Marable of Columbia University. He is currently working on a major new biography of Malcolm X. Marable has already spent more than a decade researching the book which is tentatively titled “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention.” Marable has said “Malcolm X was potentially a new type of world leader, personally drawn up from the wretched of the earth into a political stratosphere of international power.”

Marable’s research has raised new questions about The Autobiography of Malcolm X which was written with Alex Haley. Marable has also examined un-redacted FBI files which provide new insight into the role of FBI and the New York Police Department in the assassination of Malcolm X.

On the 40th anniversary of Malcolm X’s assassination in February, Professor Marable spoke here in New York City.

  • Manning Marable, Columbia University professor speaking on February 21, 2005.

AMY GOODMAN: Dr. Manning Marable, speaking in February on the anniversary of Malcolm X’s assassination, talked about a number of issues. He has raised in his research for his biography new questions about The Autobiography of Malcolm X, which was written with Alex Haley. Marable has also examined un-redacted F.B.I. files which provide new insight into the role of the F.B.I. and the New York Police Department in the assassination of Malcolm X. On the anniversary of that assassination, Dr. Manning Marable spoke here in New York.

MANNING MARABLE: On the 40th anniversary of the assassination of El-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz, of Malcolm X, if one had to select only one historical personality between the period of 1940 to 1975 who best represented and reflected black urban life, politics, culture and society in the United States, it would be impossible not to choose the charismatic figure of Malcolm X. Born in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1925 and growing up in the Midwest, young Malcolm Little was the child of political activists who supported the militant black nationalism Pan-Africanist movement of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. After his father’s violent death and his mother’s subsequent institutionalization due to mental illness, young Malcolm was placed in foster care and for a time in a youth detention facility.

At the age of 16, he left school, relocating to Boston upon the invitation of his older half-sister, Ella Collins. During the Second World War, the zoot-suited Detroit Red became a small-time hustler, burglar and dealer in Harlem and Roxbury. In January 1946, Malcolm Little was arrested for burglary and weapons possession charges, and he received a 10-year sentence in Massachusetts prisons. While incarcerated, Little’s siblings introduced him to the Nation of Islam, a then tiny black nationalist-oriented religious movement led by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad. Converting to the N.O.I.’s version of Islam, Malcolm experienced a spiritual and intellectual epiphany behind bars.

Emerging from prison in August 1952 as Malcolm X, the talented and articulate young convert was soon the assistant minister of N.O.I.’s Detroit Temple Number One. The actual public career of minister Malcolm X was, like Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s, remarkably tragic and short. In 1954, Malcolm was named minister of Harlem’s Temple Number Seven, which he soon led for a decade. As an itinerant spokesperson for black nationalism in the United States, Brother Malcolm traveled constantly across the country, winning tens of thousands of new converts to the Nation of Islam. Between 1954 and 1963, Malcolm was personally responsible for establishing over 100 Muslim temples or mosques throughout this country as the chief spokesperson for Elijah Muhammad.

Malcolm built the N.O.I. from a marginal sect to a spiritual organization of over 100,000 people. By the early 1960s, Malcolm was widely celebrated and feared as a public speaker and debater at universities and colleges and in the national media. The F.B.I., the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and its efforts to discredit the Nation and its leadership, led the agency to engage in a variety of illegal acts, wiretapping, surveillance, disruption, and harassment. In 1960, Malcolm helped to establish the newspaper, Muhammad Speaks, which by the end of the 1960s would have a national circulation of 600,000, by far the most widely read black-owned newspaper in the United States at that time. However, by the early ’60s, serious divisions developed between Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam’s leadership, and especially Elijah Muhammad. He also chafed under the N.O.I.’s political conservatism, its refusal to offer support to the growth of civil rights protests throughout the country.

In March 1964, Malcolm announced publicly his break with the N.O.I. He created two new organizations: Muslim Mosque Incorporated, designed for former N.O.I. members, as a spiritually-based organization; and a secular-oriented organization, the O.A.A.U., the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Now reaching out to the Civil Rights Movement, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., James Farmer, Bayard Rustin, A. Philip Randolph, Malcolm began to propose a broad coalition of black activist organizations working in concert to achieve racial justice. Converting to traditional Islam, Malcolm completed his spiritual Hajj to Mecca in April 1964 and returned to the United States the next month as El-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz.

During his two extended journeys throughout Africa and the Mid-East during the year 1964, Malcolm gained new insights into the problem of racism, trans-nationally. In his autobiography, he would later write, (quote), “I was no less angry than I had been, but at the same time, the true brotherhood I had seen and had been influenced me to recognize that anger can blind human vision.” He now believed that race was not—a race war in the United States was not inevitable and that America could be, perhaps, (quote), “the first country that can actually have a bloodless revolution.”

Malcolm X’s new political strategy called for building black community empowerment through tools such as voter registration and education, economic self-sufficiency, and the development of an independent African American politics, which blacks themselves controlled and was responsive and responsible fundamentally to the black community. He called upon African Americans to transform the Civil Rights Movement into a struggle for international human rights. Malcolm X emphasized the parallels between the African American struggle for equality and the Asian, Latino and African campaigns against European colonialism and imperialism. Malcolm stressed the issue of class exploitation, especially in the last months of his life. He also drew attention for criticizing the growth of U.S. military engagement and involvement in Southeast Asia, becoming one of the first prominent U.S. leaders to denounce the U.S. war in Vietnam.

Upon Malcolm’s return to the United States in November 1964, death threats escalated against him and his family. In the early morning hours of February 14, 1965, at his home in Queens, his house was firebombed. On Sunday afternoon, February 21, exactly 40 years to the day of today, Malcolm X, El-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz, was assassinated before hundreds of people, including his pregnant wife, Betty Shabazz, and three of their four children.

The profound religious and political sojourn of Malcolm X was hardly noticed by the mainstream press. The New York Times depict one odious example, stated that Malcolm on the—just days after his assassination, was, (quote), “an irresponsible demagogue, an extraordinarily twisted man who had utilized his, [quote], ‘true gifts’ to evil purposes.”

But there were other points of view that were raised about Malcolm X, including that of President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana who sent a telegram of condolences to Malcolm’s widow, stating, (quote), “Your husband lived a life of dedication for human equality and dignity so that the African American people and people of color everywhere may live as men. His work in the cause of freedom will not be in vain.”

Long remembered were the words, as well, of the great activist, the great actor, and a great friend, Ossie Davis: “Many will ask what Harlem finds to honor in this stormy, controversial and bold young captain, and we will smile. They will say he is of hate, a fanatic, a racist. And we will answer, ‘Did you ever talk to brother Malcolm? Did you ever touch him or have him talk you to? Did you ever really listen to him? Did he ever do a mean thing? Was he ever himself associated with violence or any public disturbance? For if you did, you would know him…Malcolm was our manhood.’ This was his meaning to our people, and in honoring him, we honor the best in ourselves. And we will know him then for what he was and is: a prince, our own black shining prince who didn’t hesitate to die because he loved us so.”

AMY GOODMAN: Manning Marable, Columbia University professor speaking on the anniversary of Malcolm X’s assassination in February. Today, is the anniversary of Malcolm X’s birthday.

Malcolm X: Make it Plain

Malcolm5-19

On the 80th anniversary of Malcolm X’s birthday we play excerpts of the documentary, “Malcolm X: Make it Plain” produced and directed by Orlando Bagwell. It includes rare archival footage of Malcolm X as well as interviews with such figures as John Henrik Clarke, Maya Angelou, Ossie Davis and much more.

  • Malcolm X: Make it Plain, documentary produced and directed by Orlando Bagwell and aired on the PBS series American Experience.

AMY GOODMAN: We turn to portions of a documentary called Malcolm X: Make it Plain, produced and directed by Orlando Bagwell, which aired on the PBS series, “American Experience.”

MALCOLM X: Who taught you to hate the color of your skin? Who taught you to hate the texture of your hair? Who taught you to hate the shape of your nose and the shape of your lips? Who taught you to hate yourself from the top of your head to the soles of your feet? Who taught you to hate your own kind? Who taught you to hate the race that you belong to so much so that you don’t want to be around each other? You know. Before you come asking Mr. Muhammad does he teach hate, you should ask yourself who taught you to hate being what God made you.

OSSIE DAVIS: Most of us blacks—or Negroes, as he called us—really thought we were free without being aware that in our subconscious all those chains we thought had been struck off were still there, and there were many ways where what really motivated us was our desire to be loved by the white man. Malcolm meant to lance that sense of inferiority. He knew it would be painful. He knew that people could kill you because of it, but he dared to take that risk.

JOHN HENRIK CLARKE: He was saying something over and above that of any other leader of that day. While the other leaders were begging for entry into the house of their oppressor, he was telling you to build your own house.

SONIA SANCHEZ: He expelled fear for African Americans. He said, “I will speak out loud what we’ve been thinking,” and he said, “You’ll see. People will hear it, and they will not do anything to us necessarily. Okay, but I will now speak it for the masses of people.” When he said it in a very strong fashion, in this very manly fashion, in this fashion that says, “I am not afraid to say what you’ve been thinking all these years,” that’s why we loved him. He said it out loud, not behind closed doors. He took on America for us.

MALCOLM X: And I, for one, as a Muslim believe that the white man is intelligent enough. If he were made to realize how black people really feel and how fed up we are without that old compromising sweet talk, why you’re the one that make it hard for yourself. The white man believes you when you go to him with that old sweet talk, ’cause you’ve been sweet-talking him ever since he brought you here. Stop sweet-talking him. Tell him how you feel. Tell him how—what kind of hell you’ve been catching, and let him know that if he’s ready to clean his house up, if he’s not ready to clean his house up, he shouldn’t have a house. It should catch on fire and burn down.

NARRATOR: On these Harlem street corners for most of this century, black people had celebrated their culture and argued the question of race in America. It was here that Malcolm first joined the street orators who gave voice to Harlem’s hope and its anger.

LEWIS MICHAUX: I’ve taught nationalism and that means that I want to go out of this white man’s country because integration will never happen. You’ll never, as long as you live, integrate into the white man’s system.

WILLIAM DeFOSSETT: 125th Street and Seventh Avenue was the center of activity among the black street orators. When Malcolm arrived, technically, he had no corner, so he established his base, you might say, in front of Elder Michaux’s bookstore.

MAYA ANGELOU: When Malcolm would ascend the little platform, he didn’t—he couldn’t talk for the first four of five minutes. The people would be making such a praise shout to him, and he would stand there, taking his due. And then he would open his mouth.

MALCOLM X: They call Mr. Muhammad a hate-teacher, because he makes you hate dope and alcohol. They call Mr. Muhammad a black supremacist, because he teaches you and me not only that we’re as good as the white man, but better than the white man, yes, better than the white man. You are better than the white man, and that’s not saying anything. That’s not saying—you know we’re just to be equal with him. Who is he to be equal with? You look at his skin. You can’t compare your skin with his skin. Why, your skin look like gold beside his skin.

There was a time when we used to drool in the mouth over white people. We thought they were pretty ’cause we were blind, we were dumb. We couldn’t see them as they are. But since the Honorable Elijah Muhammad has come and taught us the religion of Islam, which has cleaned us up and made us so we can see for ourselves, now we can see that old pale thing to look exactly as he looks: nothing but a old, pale thing.

PETER BAILEY: I came away from that rally feeling that with him, once you heard him speak, you never went back to where you were before. You had to, even if you kept your position, you had to rethink it.

PETER GOLDMAN: We weren’t accustomed to being told that we were devils and that we were oppressors up here in our wonderful northern cities. He was speaking for a silent mass of black people and sang it out front on the devil’s own airwaves, and that was an act of war.

SONIA SANCHEZ: When he came off the stage, I jumped off the island, walked up to him, and of course, when I got to him, the bodyguards, you know, moved in front, and he just pushed them away. And I went in front of them and extended my hand and said, “I like some of what you said. I didn’t agree with what—all that you said, but I liked some of what you said.” And he looked at me, held my hand in a very gentle fashion and says, “One day you will, Sister. One day you will, Sister.” And he smiled.

NARRATOR: To make his message clear, Malcolm used his own life as a lesson for all black Americans. He preached it in fables and parables, and later, in writing his autobiography with Alex Haley, he sought some control over how his life would be interpreted in the future.

ALEX HALEY: I would be rather taken by a statement he would make of himself. He would say, “I am a part of all I have met,” and by that he meant that all the things he had done in his earlier life had exposed him to things, had taught him skills of one or another sort, all of which had synthesized into the Malcolm who became the spokesman for the Nation of Islam.

MR. HURLBURT: You were born in Omaha, is that right?

MALCOLM X: Yes, sir.

MR. HURLBURT: And you left—your family left Omaha when you were about one year old?

MALCOLM X: I imagine about a year old.

MR. HURLBURT: And why did they leave Omaha?

MALCOLM X: Well, to my understanding the Ku Klux Klan burned down one of their homes in Omaha. There’s a lot of Ku Klux Klan-–

MR. HURLBURT: This made your family feel very unhappy, I’m sure.

MALCOLM X: Well, insecure, if not unhappy.

MR. HURLBURT: So you must have a somewhat prejudiced point of view, a personally prejudiced point of view. In other words, you cannot look at this in a broad, academic sort of way, really, can you?

MALCOLM X: I think that’s incorrect, because despite the fact that that happened in Omaha, and then when we moved to Lansing, Michigan, our home was burned down again. In fact, my father was killed by the Ku Klux Klan, and despite all of that, no one was more thoroughly integrated with whites than I. No one has lived more so in the society of whites than I.

WILFRED LITTLE: We was the only black children in the neighborhood, but on the back of our property, we had a wooded area, so the white kids would all come over to our house, and they’d go back and play in the woods. So Malcolm would say, “Well, let’s go play Robin Hood.” Well, so we’d go back there to play Robin Hood. Robin Hood was Malcolm, and these white kids would go along with it.

NARRATOR: Malcolm said he was the lightest skinned of the seven children born to Earl and Louise Little, a reminder, he said, of the white man who had raped his mother’s mother. In 1929, when Malcolm was four years old, his father, a carpenter and preacher, moved the family to Lansing, Michigan.

CYRIL McGUIRE: Lansing was a small town, and the west side was the side of town that blacks lived on. Malcolm and his family lived outside of the city, and they had a four-acre parcel with a small house on it, so they were sort of considered as farmers.

NARRATOR: Three months after the Littles moved in, white neighbors took legal action to evict them. A county judge ruled that the farm property was restricted to whites only. But Earl Little refused to move. Here in Michigan, Ku Klux Klan membership was at least 70,000, five times more than in Mississippi. For Malcolm’s family, white hostility was a fact of life.

WILFRED LITTLE: Everybody was asleep in our house and, all of a sudden, we heard a big boom. And when we woke up, fire was everywhere, and everybody was running into the walls and into each other, you know.

PHILBERT LITTLE: Well, what I recall about that was my mother telling us to, “Get up, get up, get up, the house is on fire,” and to get out. That’s what I actually recall.

WILFRED LITTLE: I could hear my mother yelling, I hear my father yelling. And so they made sure they got us all rounded up and got us out.

PHILBERT LITTLE: The house burned down to the ground. No fire wagon came, nothing, and we were burned out.

NARRATOR: Malcolm’s father, Earl Little, accused local whites of setting the fire. The police accused Earl and arrested him on suspicion of arson. The charges were later dropped.

WILFRED LITTLE: In the city where we grew up, whites would refer to us as “those uppity niggers” or “those smart niggers that live out south of town.” In those days, whenever a white person referred to you as a “smart nigger,” that was their way of saying, “This is a nigger you have to watch, because he’s not dumb.”

PHILBERT LITTLE: Our father was independent. He didn’t want anybody to feed him. He wanted to raise his own food. He didn’t want anybody to exercise authority over his children. He wanted to exercise the authority, and he did.

WILFRED LITTLE: He was always speaking in terms of Marcus Garvey’s way of thinking and trying to get black people to organize themselves, not to cause any trouble, but just to do—to work in unity with each other toward improving their conditions. But in those days if you did that, you were still considered a troublemaker.

NARRATOR: In the 1920s Marcus Garvey, a black nationalist, preached that black Americans should build a nation independent of white society. With membership in the hundreds of thousands, Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association sought closer ties with African countries. The UNIA had its own flag, its own national anthem and an African legion pledged to defend black people at home and abroad. The U.S. Bureau of Investigation labeled Garvey, “one of the prominent Negro agitators.” The federal government deported him in 1927, but Malcolm’s parents remained Garveyites. Earl recruited new members. Louise wrote for the Garvey newspaper.

PHILBERT LITTLE: My mother is the one who would read to us the Garvey paper, which was called The Negro World. She also would talk to us about ourself as being independent. We shouldn’t be calling ourself “Negroes,” or “niggers” and that we were black people and that we should be proud to call ourself black people.

PANELIST: What is your real name?

MALCOLM X: Malcolm. Malcolm X.

PANELIST: Is that your legal name?

MALCOLM X: As far as I’m concerned, it’s my legal name.

PANELIST: Would you mind telling me what your father’s last name was?

MALCOLM X: My father didn’t know his last name. My father got his last name from his grandfather, and his grandfather got it from his grandfather, who got it from the slavemaster. The real names of our people were destroyed-–

PANELIST: Well, was there any-–

MALCOLM X:—during slavery.

PANELIST: Was there any line, any point in the genealogy of your family when you did have to use a last name, and if so, what was it?

MALCOLM X: The last name of my forefathers-–

PANELIST: Yes?

MALCOLM X:—was taken from them when they were brought to America and made slaves, and then the name of the slavemaster was given, which we refuse, we reject that name today and refuse to-–

PANELIST: You mean, you won’t even tell me what your father’s supposed last name was or gifted last name was?

MALCOLM X: I never acknowledge it whatsoever.

AMY GOODMAN: Documentary, Malcolm X: Make it Plain, produced and directed by Orlando Bagwell. It is narrated by Alfre Woodard.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: Malcolm X was born 80 years ago today, May 19, 1925. We are spending the hour looking at his life, as we return to the documentary, Malcolm X: Make it Plain, produced and directed by Orlando Bagwell.

NARRATOR: In April 1964, Malcolm traveled to Saudi Arabia. For some time, he had been studying Orthodox Islam. Now he arrived in Jiddah, on his way to perform the Hajj, a pilgrimage required of all Muslims. Members of the Saudi royal family helped him gain entry to the holy city of Mecca.

MOHMAED AL-FAYSAL: My first impression of him was an eye-opener, because I saw a different person totally. I didn’t see the fiery fire breather. I saw a very timid, almost shy man.

AHMED OSMAN: When a person performs a Hajj, there are certain rituals through which he has to go. All people have to dress in the same simple way, and as such, you cannot distinguish during the Hajj any people on account of their status, on account of their national origin. It is a demonstration of human brotherhood.

MOHMAED AL-FAYSAL: Everybody was in this white garb, the rich, the poor, the powerful, the weak, the sick, everybody. And they were all intermingled, and I think that had such a profound impact on Malcolm.

YURI KOCHIYAMA: “Greetings from the holiest and most sacred city on earth. I often think of the warm friendliness of your wonderful family. Brother Malcolm.”

GLORIA RICHARDSON: “Greetings from the ancient land of Arabia. Allah has blessed me to visit the holy city of Mecca where I witnessed pilgrims of all colors [and 'all colors' is underlined] from all parts of this earth, displaying a spirit of unity and brotherhood like I have never seen before. It is truly a sight to behold. El-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz.” And I guess maybe he thought I wouldn’t know who that was, so in parentheses, he has “Malcolm X.”

NARRATOR: Malcolm’s letters to his followers made news back in America and raised the question, “Had he changed his position on race?”

REPORTER: He does speak of brotherhood, the brotherhood of all races, colors and so on in the holy land.

JAMES SHABAZZ: He says, “There were tens of thousands of pilgrims from all over the world, they were of all colors from blue-eyed blonds to black-skinned Africans but were all participating in the same ritual, displaying a spirit of unity and brotherhood that my experiences in America had led me to believe could never exist between the white and the non-white.

REPORTER: But he has backtracked a little from the position that all white men are devils, if he is saying that—

JAMES SHABAZZ: I wouldn’t say that he has backtracked. One can make an adjustment in one’s direction without it being backwards. If when you say he has backtracked, it seems as though that you imply you would prefer that he would call white people devils, and not to call them devils that he is going in the wrong direction.

REPORTER: Nobody likes to be called a devil.

JAMES SHABAZZ: Then you wouldn’t consider it a backtrack if he stopped calling white people devils, then, would you?

NARRATOR: After his pilgrimage, Malcolm spent three weeks in Africa. On May 21, two days after his 39th birthday, he returned to New York.

REPORTER: Malcolm, have your experiences with white-skinned Muslims in Africa and the Middle East made you feel that relations between Negroes and whites who are not Muslims is any more possible?

MALCOLM X: When I was in—on the pilgrimage, I had close contact with Muslims whose skin within America would be classified as white and with Muslims who themselves would be classified as white in America, but these particular Muslims didn’t call themselves white. They looked upon themselves at human beings, as part of the human family and therefore they looked upon all other segments of the human family as part of that same family. Now, they had a different look or different air or different attitude than that which is reflected in the attitude of the man in America who calls himself white. So, I said that if Islam had done this—done that for them, perhaps if the white men in America would study Islam, perhaps it could do the same thing for him.

REPORTER: Malcolm, just—are you prepared to go into the United Nations at this point and ask that charges be brought against the United States for its treatment of American Negroes?

MALCOLM X: Oh, yes. Oh, yes. Please. The audience will have to be quiet. Yes. As I pointed out, when I was doing my traveling that nations look—African nations and Asian nations and Latin American nations look very hypocritical when they stand up in the United Nations condemning the racist practices of South Africa and that which is practiced by Portugal and Angola and saying nothing in the U.N. about the racist practices that are manifest every day against Negroes in this society.

NARRATOR: As media attention increasingly focused on Malcolm, the Nation of Islam stepped up its attacks and filed eviction papers to force him from his home.

PETER GOLDMAN: Malcolm, in the spring and early summer of 1964, was in a desperate situation with the Nation of Islam. And the one weapon he had left was his knowledge of the messenger’s indiscretions with various women who were working for him as secretaries. He called one guy at the New York Herald Tribune and tried to interest him in the story. It was considered libelous, so they wouldn’t do it.

NARRATOR: When Malcolm appeared in court to challenge the eviction proceedings, he used the trial to reveal the private affairs of Elijah Muhammad.

REPORTER: Why are they threatening your life?

MALCOLM X: Well, primarily because they’re afraid that I will tell the real reason that they have been—that I’m out of the Black Muslim Movement, which I never told, I kept to myself. But the real reason is that Elijah Muhammad, the head of the movement is the father of eight children by six different teenage girls, different—six different teenage girls who were his private personal secretaries.

WALLACE D. MUHAMMAD: That was a serious thing, most serious thing, and to charge the Honorable Elijah Muhammad with such would be really to take your own life—take your life into your own hands, you know? You would be risking your life. I’m just being plain—I’m being open and plain with you. It would really mean that you—somebody might kill you in the Nation of Islam.

REPORTER: Are you not perhaps afraid of what might happen to you as a result of making these revelations?

MALCOLM X: Oh, yes. I probably am a dead man already.

REPORTER: What do you mean?

MALCOLM X: Well, when you know—when you understand the makeup of the Muslim movement and the psychology of the Muslim movement, as long as any—I myself, by having confidence in the leader of the Muslim movement, if someone came to me and I had no knowledge whatsoever of what had taken place, and they told me what I’m saying, I would kill them myself. The only thing that would prevent me from killing someone who made a statement like this, they would have to be able to let me know that it’s true. Now if anyone had come to me other than Mr. Muhammad’s son, I never would have believed it even enough to look into it. But I had been around him so closely, I had seen indications of it—of its—of the reality of it, but my religious sincerity made me block it out of my mind.

NARRATOR: At the Audubon Ballroom in Harlem, Malcolm announced the formation of a political group, modeled after the Organization of African Unity overseas.

PETER BAILEY: Brother Malcolm formed the Organization of Afro-American Unity, for those of us who were interested in his political, economic and cultural programs. I think he was aware that there were people out there, you know, from his travels around, that there were people out there who wanted to work with him, but who were not prepared to become Muslims in order to do so.

MALCOLM X: One of the first things that the independent African nations did was to form an organization called the Organization of African Unity. This Organization of Afro-American Unity, which has the same aim and objective to fight whoever gets in our way, to bring about the complete independence of people of African descent here in the Western Hemisphere, and first here in the United States, and bring about the freedom of these people by any means necessary.

NARRATOR: In July 1964, Malcolm was invited to join heads of state from Africa and the Middle East at the Organization of African Unity conference in Cairo, Egypt.

JOHN HENRIK CLARKE: Malcolm X saw no contradiction between the African fight and the black American fight in the United States. He felt one was an extension of the other, and you can draw support from one to enhance the other.

AHMED OSMAN: In the 1960s, Africans had a lot of misgivings about American foreign policy in Africa, because, unfortunately, at that time the American foreign policy was supportive of the colonial policies of countries like Belgium. And the only voice which was echoing the desperation of Africans in the United States was that of Malcolm.

MOHMAED AL-FAYSAL: And there were many Americans who came, but none—none, without exception, who had the impact that Malcolm had. The man of a message, and the message was not to America only.

REPORTER: Malcolm, what is your. Purpose here?

MALCOLM X: Well, my purpose here is to remind the African heads of state that there are 22 million of us in America who are also of African descent, and to remind them also that we are the victims of America’s colonialism or American imperialism, and that our problem is not an American problem, it’s a human problem. It’s not a Negro problem, it’s a problem of humanity. It’s not a problem of civil rights, but a problem of human rights.

NARRATOR: Malcolm traveled to14 African nations and met with 11 heads of state. U.S. intelligence agencies followed him from country to country. In Nigeria, he was given the name, Omawale, “the son returns.”

ATTALLAH SHABAZZ: When my father was abroad, we had a world map on the living room wall, and any time you got a little lonesome and wondered where Daddy was, we’d run over to that map, and “Where is he now?” And he’s in Cairo, which is the capital of Egypt, and he’s over here with Nkrumah and he’s over—so there was a different kind of passage that we maintained when he was abroad.

NARRATOR: Malcolm returned in late November 1964. He resumed the weekly OAAU rallies at the Audubon Ballroom and continued his collaboration with Alex Haley on his autobiography.

YVONNE LITTLE: He said, “You know, I’m writing this book, and I don’t really know about doing this book.” He had some problems with the family having to be subjected to what—the things that he would say. I said, “Malcolm, you know what? None of us are going to ever amount to anything until we get our mother out of Kalamazoo.” It had preyed on my mind for years, and I didn’t talk about it, but it was eating away. And he looked at me like, “I’m glad you said that ’cause it’s been bothering me, too.” And he said, “Vonnie. Promise. I’ll do something.” And the next thing—Malcolm never got back to me. The next thing I knew, I got a call. My mother was in Lansing at my brother Philbert’s.

ALEX HALEY: Then he later told me that it had been pent up in him all these years. He didn’t want to think about it. He certainly didn’t want to talk about it, because he did not feel good about it. But he felt so great when he and his brother came together to have their mother released.

AMY GOODMAN: Alex Haley in Orlando Bagwell’s documentary, Malcolm X: Make it Plain. As we turn now to the events leading up to Malcolm X’s assassination.

GENE ROBERTS: My name is Gene Roberts, and I was assigned by the New York City Police Department to infiltrate Malcolm’s organization, report back membership, names, weapons, if any. And I attended meetings and was part of the security on occasions. And at this particular meeting, I was standing up front along with about four or five others guys, other members, and I heard a commotion in the middle to my right. I started for the commotion and I see this young fellow come down the middle aisle and then slip into about the second or third row and take a seat. And he was wearing a blue suit, a white shirt and red tie, which is basically the uniform for the members of the Nation of Islam. So after the meeting, I reported back to the department that I felt I had just saw a dry run on Malcolm’s life and when that was going to go down I wasn’t sure.

NARRATOR: Malcolm did not expect to live another week. He promised to reveal the names of those plotting his death at next Sunday’s meeting at the Audubon Ballroom.

BETTY SHABAZZ: The night before, he had said he didn’t think it would be a good idea for us to come to the Audubon, and then the next day, he called and said that we could come. And I was very happy, you know, that I could go because I had not seen him in 24 hours.

ATTALLAH SHABAZZ: When my mother received the call from my father for us to all get together and come down to the Audubon, I knew that was different. That was a rhythm change by that time, with all of the things that were going on. And all the while, it was still an exciting venture to get ready and go see Daddy. And we got there. He was late, and we sat at a booth stage right, downstage right.

GENE ROBERTS: Malcolm came in, and I escorted him from about the middle of the ballroom to the wings backstage. When I got there, I had noticed there were some people already present, and there was three people sitting on the first row. They were sitting there, reading newspapers. Nobody’s paying them any mind. And Malcolm was still in the back. Benjamin Goodman came out, and he opened up the meeting.

BENJAMIN 2X: I opened up for him, and he had set down behind me, and he said, “Make it plain.” “Make it plain” is the code word that he used for us to bring him forward. So, anyway, I did. I brought Minister Malcolm forward. He didn’t like a lot of icing, you know, “Here’s Minister Malcolm, the great,” and all that. He didn’t like that. Just plain, you know.

GENE ROBERTS: Then I heard a lot of shots, and I looked up, and these three that were sitting across the front are now working their way from Malcolm’s right to Malcolm’s left, shooting at him.

BETTY SHABAZZ: I saw my husband falling back. Falling back. He didn’t bend. He just fell straight. And then I tried to—I forgot my children. I tried to get to him.

ATTALLAH SHABAZZ: I was facing the assassins, so I saw them stand up and take my father’s life, an image that—I wondered if I could have prevented it.

AMY GOODMAN: An excerpt of the documentary Malcolm X: Make it Plain, produced and directed by Orlando Bagwell. It was narrated by Alfre Woodard. And that does it for today’s broadcast. Malcolm X would have been 80 years old today. He was assassinated when he was 39 years old.

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