NDT: Why My Map of Africa is so called Upside Down

Non Domesticated Thinker

In Ancient times Nile Valley Afrikans oriented their temples to the south because it was the place of their origins. All the earliest Kemetic temples were oriented with the “Holy of Holies” (The most sacred part of the temple where the deity was said to reside) facing south. The Peraa’(Pharoah’s) mummy when buried was oriented towards the south as well for that reason. Not everyone follows or always followed the European model of the world.  Click image for more

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A Photographic Essay of African Influence by Khalif ‘Ras’ Williams

A Photographic Essay of African Influence by Khalif ‘Ras’ Williams

This a photo essay showing connections between Africans both on the continent and the diaspora.

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Hip Hop,The Descendant of the African American Liberation Struggle by Khalif ‘Ras’ Williams

Hip Hop,The Descendant of the African American Liberation Struggle by Khalif ‘Ras’ Williams

When asking a Question in reference to Hip Hop and it’s connections to the African American Liberation struggle one must delve into not just African American history but African history to truly overstand the length of time and genius applied to our struggle for liberation:

Please click the link above to read this important piece of Hip Hop History.

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The Dahomey Amazons

The Dahomey Amazons

The Dahomey Amazons or Mino were a Fon
Fon people

Some of the most powerful African Women to ever live.
Fon is a major West African ethnic and linguistic group in the country of Benin, and southwest Nigeria, made up of more than 3,500,000 people. The Fon language is the main language spoken in Southern Benin, and is a member of the Gbe languages group….
all-female military regiment of the Kingdom of Dahomey
Dahomey

Dahomey was the name of a country in west Africa now called the Benin. The Kingdom of Dahomey was a powerful west African state founded in the seventeenth century which survived until 1894….
(now Benin
Benin

Benin , officially the Republic of Benin, is a country in West Africa. It borders Togo to the west, Nigeria to the east and Burkina Faso and Niger to the north; its short coastline to the south leads to the Bight of Benin….
) which lasted until end of the 19th century. They were so named by Western observers and historians due to their similarity to the semi-mythical Amazons
Amazons

The Amazons , ) are a nation of all-female warriors in Classical and Greek mythology, who were possibly historical. Herodotus placed them in a region bordering Scythia in Sarmatians….
of Ancient Greece
Ancient Greece

The term Ancient Greece refers to the period of History of Greece lasting from the Greek Dark Ages ca. 1100 BC and the Dorian invasion, to 146 BC and the Roman Republic conquest of Greece after the Battle of Corinth ….
.

Origin
Dahomey Amazon2
King Houegbadja
Houegbadja

Aho Houegbadja was the third King of Dahomey. He succeeded his uncle, Dakodonou, and ruled from 1645 to 1685.Houegbadja was the first of the dynasty to set up the kingdom in Abomey proper: he founded the city by building his palace near the area of Guedevi, a few kilometers to the northwest of Bohicon….
(who ruled from 1645 to 1685), the third King of Dahomey, is said to have originally started the group which would become the Amazons as a corps of elephant hunters called the gbeto. During the 18th century, the king had some of his wives trained as royal bodyguards.

Houegbadja’s son King Agadja
Agadja

Dossou Agadja was the third King of Dahomey. He succeeded Houessou Akaba, and ruled from 1708 to 1740.Akaba’s only son, Agbo Sassa, was only ten years old when Akaba died, so as Akaba’s brother, Agadja took the throne to become the fifth king….
(ruling from 1708 to 1732) developed the female bodyguard into a militia and successfully used them in Dahomey’s defeat of the neighbouring kingdom of Savi
Savi

Savi was the capital of the Kingdom of Whydah prior to its capture by the forces of Dahomey in 1727.Prior to the conquest of the city it had a circumference of about four miles….
in 1727. European merchants recorded their presence, as well as similar female warriors amongst the Ashanti
Ashanti

Ashanti, or Asante, are a major ethnic group of Ashanti Region in Ghana. The Ashanti speak Twi, an Akan languages similar to Fante language….
. For the next hundred years or so, they gained reputation as fearless warriors. Though they fought rarely, they usually acquitted themselves well in battle.

The group of female warriors was referred to as Mino, meaning “Our Mothers” in the Fon language
Fon language

Fon is part of the Gbe languages language cluster and belongs to the Volta-Niger languages branch of the Niger-Congo languages. Fon is spoken mainly in Benin by approximately 1.7 million speakers, by the Fon people….
by the male army of Dahomey. From the time of King Ghezo
Ghezo

Ghezo was the ninth King of Dahomey , considered one of the greatest of the twelve historical kings. He ruled from 1818 to 1858. His name before ascending to the throne was Gakpe….
(ruling from 1818 to 1858), Dahomey became increasingly militaristic. Ghezo placed great importance on the army and increased its budget and formalized its structures. The Mino were rigorously trained, given uniforms, and equipped with Danish guns (obtained via the slave trade). By this time the Mino consisted of between 4000 and 6000 women, about a third of the entire Dahomey army.

Recruitment
Dahomey Amazon1
The Mino were recruited from among the ahosi (“king’s wives”) of which there were often hundreds. Some women in Fon society became ahosi voluntarily, while others were involuntarily enrolled
Conscription

Conscription is a general term for involuntary labor demanded by an established authority. It is most often used in the specific sense of government policies that require citizens to serve in the military….
if their husbands or fathers complained to the King about their behaviour. Membership among the Mino was supposed to hone any aggressive character traits for the purpose of war. During their membership they were not allowed to have children or be part of married life. Many of them were virgins. The regiment had a semi-sacred status, which was intertwined with the Fon
Fon people

Fon is a major West African ethnic and linguistic group in the country of Benin, and southwest Nigeria, made up of more than 3,500,000 people. The Fon language is the main language spoken in Southern Benin, and is a member of the Gbe languages group….
belief in Vodun.

The Mino trained with intense physical exercise. Discipline was emphasised. In the latter period, they were armed with Winchester rifles, clubs and knives. Units were under female command. Captives who fell into the hands of the Amazons were often decapitated.

Conflict with France
European encroachment into west Africa gained pace during the latter half of the 19th century, and in 1890 King Behanzin
Behanzin

B?hanzin is considered the eleventh King of Dahomey . Upon taking the throne, he changed his name from Kondo. He succeeded his father, Glele, and ruled from 1889 to 1894….
started fighting French forces in the course of the First Franco-Dahomean War. According to Holmes, many of the French soldiers fighting in Dahomey hesitated before shooting or bayoneting the Mino. The resulting delay led to many of the French casualties. Ultimately, bolstered by the Foreign Legion
French Foreign Legion

The French Foreign Legion is a unique unit separate from the regular French Army, established in 1831. The legion was specifically created as a unit for foreign volunteers, to be commanded by French officers; it is however also open to France citizens, who amount to 24% of recruits….
, and armed with superior weaponry, including machine guns, the French inflicted casualties that were ten times worse on the Dahomey side. After several battles, the French prevailed. The Legionnaires later wrote about the “incredible courage and audacity” of the Amazons. The last surviving Amazon of Dahomey died in 1979.

Popular culture
Dahomey Amazons were represented in the 1987 film Cobra Verde
Cobra Verde

Cobra Verde is a 1987 in film Cinema of Germany Drama film film based upon Bruce Chatwin’s 1980 novel, The Viceroy of Ouidah. The film depicts the life of a fictional Slavery named Francisco Manoel da Silva who is played by the prolific German actor Klaus Kinski….
by German director Werner Herzog
Werner Herzog

Werner Herzog is an Academy Award-nominated German film director, screenwriter, actor, and opera director.He is often associated with the German New Wave movement , along with Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Margarethe von Trotta, Volker Schl?ndorff, Hans-J?rgen Syberberg, Wim Wenders and others….
. Although the location was intended to be Ouidah
Ouidah

File:Ouidah.jpgOuidah is a city on the Atlantic Ocean coast of Benin….
, the film was actually shot in Ghana
Ghana

The Republic of Ghana is a country in West Africa. It borders C?te d’Ivoire to the west, Burkina Faso to the north, Togo to the east, and the Gulf of Guinea to the south….
. Ghezo’s Amazons play a significant role in the novel Flash for Freedom!
Flash for Freedom!

Flash for Freedom! is a 1971 novel by George MacDonald Fraser. It is the third of the Harry Paget Flashman novels.Plot introduction …
by George MacDonald Fraser
George MacDonald Fraser

George MacDonald Fraser, Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire was a United Kingdom author of both historical novels and non-fiction books, as well as several screenplays….
.

The unit is also depicted in PC game Empire: Total War
Empire: Total War

Empire: Total War is a 2009 real-time tactics and turn-based strategy Personal computer game. Developed by the Creative Assembly and published by Sega, the game was released in North America on 3 March 2009 and in Europe on 4 March.
.

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Martha Euphemia Lofton Haynes, first african american woman mathematican

Martha Euphemia Lofton Haynes,

first african american woman mathematican

Born: 1890; Died July 25, 1980

place: Washington, D.C.

BA Smith College (1914); MA education, University of Chicago

Ph.D. (Mathematics) Catholic University, 1943
thesis: Determination of Sets of Independent Conditions Characterizing Certain Special Cases of Symmetric Correspondences, advisor: Aubrey Landry

In 1943, Euphemia Lofton Haynes earned her Ph.D. in Mathematics at The Catholic University in Washington, D.C., thus becoming the first African American Woman Ph. D. in Mathematics.

Born Martha Euphemia Lofton, Euphremia (she rarely used Martha) was a fourth generation Washingtonian, her father was Dr. William S. Lofton, a prominent Black D.C. dentist and financier of Black businesses in the area. Her mother, Lavinia Day Lofton, was active in the Catholic church as later was Euphemia. She graduated high school from Washington’s Miner Normal School in 1909. Four years later, she received a B.A. in Mathematics (minor in Psychology). In 1917, she married Harold Appo Haynes who later became a principal and deputy superintendent in charge of Washington’s “colored schools” (the schools for African Americans).

In 1930, Haynes received a masters degree in education from the University of Chicago, where she also did further graduate study in mathematics. She earned a doctorate degree in mathematics from Catholic University of America (CUA) in 1943, becoming the first black woman to receive a Ph.D. degree in mathematics. The title of her dissertation was “The Determination of Sets of Independent Conditions Characterizing Certain Special Cases of Symmetric Correspondences;” Dr. Aubrey Landrey was her dissertation advisor and Drs. Otto J. Ramler and J. Nelson Rice were members of her doctoral committee.

Dr. Euphemia Haynes had a distinguished career in Washington. She taught in the public schools of Washington, DC for forty-seven years and was the first woman to chair the DC School Board. She was a teacher of first grade at Garrison and Garfield Schools; a teacher of mathematics at Armstrong High School, an English teacher at Miner Normal School; she taught mathematics and served as chair of the Mathematics Department at Dunbar High School; she was a professor of mathematics at Miner Teachers College (established the mathematics department) and at the District of Columbia Teachers College for which she also served as chair of the Division of Mathematics and Business Education. After her 1959 retirement from the public school system, he was head of the city’s Board of Education, and was central to the integration of the DC public schools.

Dr. Haynes established the mathematics department at Miners Teacher’s College she was a professor of mathematics. She taught at the District of Columbia Teachers College for which she also served as chair of the Division of Mathematics and Business Education. She occasionally taught part-time at Howard University.

Haynes was active in many community activities. She served as first vice president of the Archdiocesan Council of Catholic Women, chairman of the Advisory Board of Fides Neighborhood House, on the Committee of International Social Welfare, on the Executive Committee of the National Social Welfare Assembly, as secretary and member of the Executive Committee of the DC Health and Welfare Council, on the local and national committees of the United Service Organization, and as a member of the National Conference of Christians and Jews, Catholic Interracial Council of Washington, the Urban League, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, League of Women Voters, and the American Association of University Women.

Euphemia Lofton Haynes was awarded the Papal Medal – Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice from the Catholic Church in 1959.

Upon her death in 1980, she bequeathed $700,000 to Catholic University in a trust fund established to support a professorial chair and student loan fund in the School of Education. Thus, there is a scholarship fund and a education department chair named in honor of Dr. Euphemia Lofton Haynes at The Catholic University.

Regarding the chair in her honor, the following is from the CUA School of Education Newsletter for January 1981, page 1: “The School of Education (ED) recently received a gift of $700,000 in the form of a bequest from Euphemia L. Haynes, an alumna of the university and a prominent Washington educator, who died earlier this year. The gift was willed to the university in a trust fund Mrs. Haynes established for the the support of a professorial chair in ED.”

Here’s the obituary from the August 1, 1980 “Washington Post”: there is a photo but we do not have it

“By Ken Feil — The Washington Post

Dr. Euphemia Lofton Haynes, 90, a former D.C. board of education president and member and a Washington educator for nearly 50 years, died Thursday at the Washington Hospital Center. She had been hospitalized since suffering a stroke July 25.

Dr. Haynes served as school board president from July 1966 to July 1967. A fourth-generation Washingtonian, she was a product of the same school system that she later headed.

She served as a member of the old nine-member school board, then appointed by judges of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, for seven years before becoming its president.

During that time she was an active and outspoken critic of the school system’s de facto structure of segregation and its “track system,” which placed students in academic or vocational programs depending on ability.

The track system, which had structured the city’s schools for a number of years and which was said to discriminate against black and poor students, was abolished along with de facto segregation by Judge J. Skelly Wright in June 1967, when Mrs. Haynes was board president.

Mrs. Haynes had favored black civil rights leader Julius W. Hobson’s suit, charging the school system with racial and economic discrimination, which led to Judge Wright’s decision.

She also was school board president when the machinery for an election to establish collective bargaining rights for public school teachers was set up in March 1967. She left the board in 1968 when the city’s first elected school board took office.

Mrs. Haynes graduated from Smith College in 1914. She earned a master’s degree in education from the University of Chicago and a doctorate in mathematics from Catholic University.

She taught mathematics in Washington high schools and, in 1930, established a mathematics department at old Miners Teachers College here. She was professor and chairman of the department when she retired in 1959.

After retiring, Mrs. Haynes became active in Catholic organizations. She was president of the Washington Archdiocesan Council of Catholic Women from 1964 to 1966. She also served on the board of Catholic Charities and as member of the D.C. branch of the National Conference of Christians and Jews.

In 1959, she received the Papal medal, “Pro Ecclesia et Pontifex” for her service to the church and her community.

Her husband, Dr. Harold A. Haynes, a former deputy superintendent of the city’s public schools, died two years ago. Mrs. Haynes leaves no immediate survivors.”

Personal papers of Catholic University of America alumna Euphemia Lofton Haynes, her husband Harold Appo Haynes, and their families. Held by CUA: Papers consist of correspondence, financial records, publications, speeches, reports, newspaper clippings, and photographs, and provide a record of her family, professional, and social life, including her involvement in education, civic affairs, real estate, and business matters in Washington.”

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: We had help (8/23/2001) with this web page from Robert Fikes, Jr. of the San Diego State University. It was Fikes who first informed us (August 2001) of the existence of Euphemia Lofton Haynes. We also had help (9/4/2001) from William John Shepherd, Sr., Assistant Archivist – shepherw@cua.edu, The Catholic University of America
.

references: [ProQuest Digital Dissertations]; [Washington Post 08/01/1980];
Mary McLeod Bethune archives http://www.nps.gov/mamc/bethune/archives/collect.htm;
library CAU: http://libraries.cua.edu/manuA-K.html#HAY-LOF; [Houston 2001]

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Africa’s Warrior Queens: Gender Roles, Political Leadership and Societal Development

Africa’s Warrior Queens: Gender Roles, Political Leadership and Societal Development


Nana Yaa Asantewa was a great African queen who led a rebellion against British imperialism in Ghana during 1900. The Africans in the region fought decades to reverse the rise of colonialism.
Originally uploaded by Pan-African News Wire File Photos

Africa’s Warrior Queens

Gender Roles, Political Leadership and Societal Development

by Abayomi Azikiwe, Editor
Pan-African News Wire

One major recurrent feature of African history is the existence of women rulers throughout various regions of the continent. Since the period of ancient dynastic Egypt, there have been notable women who have led monarchical societies and exercised political, economic as well as military power.

It is also of great significance that there were women rulers of highly developed African societies who led anti-slavery and anti-colonial resistance to the onslaught of European imperialism. Questions related to whether the women may have only represented the ruling groups within the society or whether they were more compassionate and egalitarian in their style of leadership, does not necessarily distract from their important place in history that distinguishes this social phenomena from other societies in Europe and Asia.

According to the web site “African Women Warriors” located at http://www.geocities.com/jywanza1/AfrikanWarriors.html

“Matriarchal warrior tribes and matrilineal tribal descent are a continuing theme in African history and in some cases survived into modern times. One of the great African warrior queens of the ancient world was Majaji, who led the Lovedu tribe which was part of the Kushite Empire during the Kushite’s centuries long war with Rome. The empire ended in 350 AD when the Kushite stronghold of Meroe fell to repeated Roman assaults. Majaji led her warriors in battle armed with a shield and spear and is believed to have died on the walls of Meroe.

“The Egyptian warrior queens included Ahotep, the 7 Cleopatras and Arsinoe II & III, all of who descended from the royal house of Kush. They ruled Egypt and led her army and navy through Roman times. A succession of Ethiopian Queens and military leaders known as Candace were also descended from the Kush. The first Candace, leading an army mounted on war elephants, turned back Alexander’s invasion of Ethiopia in 332 BC. In 30 BC Candace Amanirenas defeated an invasion by Patronius, the Roman governor of Egypt and sacked the city of Cyrene.

“In 937 AD Judith, Queen of the Falash, attacked Axum, sacred capital of Ethiopia, killing all the inhabitants including the descendants of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.”

In this essay five women will be noted for their leadership roles in African history during very important periods of social transformation within the societies they came out of and took over either through inheritance or political struggle.

Hatshepsut: A Ruler in Ancient Egypt

Hatshepsut is often considered the first woman ruler of ancient Egypt. She was born during the 15th century BC, the daughter of Tuthmose I and Ashmes, who were of royal lineage. She was one of three children who survived the childhood deaths of her brothers.

Even though her father Tuthmose I had a son by a commoner Moutnofrit, Tuthmose II, Hatshepsut ruled as a result of her political acumen and personal capability. Tuthmose II died early of cancer after claiming authority for three or four years. Hatshepsut was able to garner enough support among the key elements within Eygptian society to take control as pharaoh. Her rule lasted approximately 15 years. Her death is reported to have occurred in 1458 BC.

In an article by David Bediz entitled “The Story of Hatshepsut” he states that:

“Although there were no wars during her reign, she proved her sovereignty by ordering expeditions to the land of Punt, in present-day Somalia, in search of the ivory, animals, spices, gold and aromatic trees that Egyptians coveted. These expeditions are well documented in the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the walls of her temple. With these inscriptions are included incised representations of the journey, including humorous images of the Puntites and their queen, at whom the Egyptians no doubt looked while restraining a giggle; the queen has folds of fat hanging over her knees and elbows, her back is crooked and she has an acquiline nose. To the short, thin Egyptians she was probably quite a sight.”

During Hatshepsut’s rule she constructed many monuments and works of art unrivaled by any other queen to come in Egypt. She erected an enormous temple in the Valley of the Kings near a large plateau at Deir-el-Bahri just adjacent to the Nile River from Thebes.
http://www.bediz.com/hatshep/story.html

Queen Mantatisi (1781-1836): Commander of the Batlokoa (The Wild Cat People) of Southern Africa

Perhaps one of the most well-known and feared women military leaders during the early 19th century was Mantatisi who was born the daughter of Chief Mothaba of the Basia in the Harrismith District of the later Orange Free State. She became the wife of Mokotjo, the chief of the neighboring Batlokoa. Mokotjo died while their son Sekonyela was still to young to take over control of the chieftiancy. As a result Mantatisi assumed control and acted as regent for Sekonyela.

Reports claim that Mantatisi was a tall attractive woman who bore her husband four sons altogether. After her husband’s death a series of military encroachments by the AmaHlubi clans who were fleeing their homes in neighboring Natal. According to historians of the region, Mantatisi commanded the Batlokoa into the Caledon Valley where they drove out the more peaceful Sotho clans living in the area. Her troops seized the crops and cattle of the people they attacked leaving a trail of destruction and devastation.

Her reign of military conquest extended as far as central modern day Botswana. At the height of her military and political power her army was estimated to contain forty thousand fighters. However, she eventually suffered a series of defeats beginning in Bechuanaland in January of 1823. Peter Becker describes the developments during this period when he states that:

“Meanwhile Mantatisi was approaching with forty thousand men, women and children. It was January 1823, the time of the year crops were ripening and food was usually plentiful. But the Wild Cat People were compelled to live frugally, for so great had been the chaos brought about by lifaqane in general and the plundering of Mantatisi, Mpangazita and Matiwane in particular that entire tribes had vanished from their settlements even before they had tilled their fields in preparation for planting. Indeed, the Central Plateau swarmed with hunger-stricken stragglers and small, detached parties of bandits. Apart from roots, bulbs and berries, there was little food to be found in the veld, certainly not enough to feed so large a horde as that of Mantatisi.”

Nonetheless, the most prosperous of the Bechuana chiefs, Makaba of the Bangwaketsi, made a firm decision not to surrender to Mantatisi without a struggle. The same above-mentioned author, Peter Becker, continues by saying that:

“Meanwhile, the old Chief had decided not to surrender to Mantatisi without a fight. He called up every available warrior, garrisoned every pass leading to his capital, and with the guile for which he was famous, prepared traps into which he planned to lead his aggressors.

“Since her flight from the Harrismith District Mantatisi had managed to brush aside all opposition in the teritories she traversed, but now in the stifling bushveld of Bechuanaland she was to come face to face with a foe whose fighting forces were as numerous and also better fed than those of the Wild Cat People. The vanguard of Manatisi’s army strode into ambuscades; large groups of men topped headlong into concealed pitfalls and met their death beneath volleys of barbed javelins. A battle broke out, in the course of which hundreds of the invaders were massacred. Before the situation could develop into a rout Mantatisi suddenly disengaged her armies and retreated with her hordes to the east. Thus Makaba became the first Sotho chief to repulse the formidable Wild Cat Army, and to this day he is spoken of as the ‘Man of Conquest.’”

After Mantatisi’s son Sekonyele reached maturity he took control of the Batlokoa social structures and military. Eventually they would be conquered by the Basotho King Mosheshoe I. In the work known as “Chronicles of Basutoland: A Running Commentary on the Events of the Years 1830-1902 by the French Protestant Missionaries in Southern Africa,” a correspondence from church operatives in Basutoland stated the following in regard to the fate of the Batlokoa under Sekonyela the son of Mantatisi:

“There is no doubt that Moshoeshoe would have preferred to win his old adversary to his side but Sekonyela is irreconcilable as well as dangerous. With the British about to retire from the Sovereignty, Moshoeshoe is faced with the prospect of the inevitable alliance between Sekonyela and the Boers. Before it is too late, Sekonyela must be destroyed. Fortunately, the latter chooses this very moment to goad Moshoeshoe to retaliation and thus plays into his hands, once again, but for the last time.

“Moshoeshoe, a man of peace, for the first time in this record appears in the unusual role of a fighting general and at once reveals himself a master. Now at last he is free to deal with his traditional enemy, an enemy whom he has spared for years. Unfortunately, this meant the end of the Batlokoa tribe as such and their crushing defeat will simultaneously rid Moshoeshoe of their presence and clear the field for further penetration by their common foe, the insatiable land-devouring Boer.

“Moshoeshoe…gentle and humane by nature, has seen his power grow from year to year, and he may be described to-day as stronger and, at the same time, more influential and wealthy than any other chief in Southern Africa.”

Women in the Anti-Colonial Struggle

Queen Nzinga(1583-1663 AD) of Ndongo and Matamba: Fought to Halt Portuguese Colonialism

Nzinga was born in 1583 AD in the area now known as Angola in the southwest region of the African continent. She was reported to have first become involved in politics as an ambassador for her brother in negotiations with the Portuguese colonialists. The Portuguese had set up a slave fortress at Ambaca that was built on the land of the Ndongo kingdom.

Her negotiations with Portuguese Governor Joao Correia de Sousa was initially successful in that he agreed to her terms for resolving their differences. The purpose of the negotiation was to seek the withdrawal of the Portuguese colonialists from their land and the return of the Ndongo people who had been captured and enslaved.

Although she converted to Christianity during this period in order to consolidate the treaty with Portugal, it was reported in later years that she was highly critical and condemnatory of European Christians and their motives in Africa. Despite the signing of a treaty with Portugal, the Europeans never honored its terms. Consequently war would erupt after she assumed control of Ndongo around 1624.

The battles between the Ndongo and the Portuguese would continue for decades. Queen Nzinga launched attacks against the Portuguese occupation of Ambaca. She was eventually forced to flee to the east in 1627 and re-occupy the island of Kidonga where she had been ousted by the Portuguese in 1624. By 1631 she had taken over the neighboring kingdom of Matamba in her continuing efforts to battle the encroachment of the Portuguese into the interior of this region.

Queen Nzinga would later form an alliance with the Kongo people who worked in conjunction with the Dutch West India Company. Even in 1644 she attacked the Portuguese again and defeated them at Ngoleme. However, by 1646, with the capture of her sister, she was defeated at Kavanga. Her sister was able to secretly correspond with Queen Nzinga revealing the war plans of the Portuguese. When this was discovered by the colonialists her sister was reported drowned by the Portuguese military in the Kwanza River.

As a result of her alliance with the Netherlands, reinforcements were sent to Queen Nzinga’s army. She would route the Portuguese and seize their capital at Masangano in 1647. Despite a Portuguese retaliation causing Queen Nzinga to flee, her retreat led to other battles well into the 1650s. Even into her sixties, Queen Nzinga would continue attacks on the Portuguese fortresses leading her own troops in battle. She would eventually sign a peace treaty with the Portuguese in 1657.

In her later years she would devote her time to re-integrating former slaves back into African society. She died peacefully at the age of eighty on December 17, 1663 in Matamba. In modern Angolan political life, Queen Nzinga is remembered for her enormous military and diplomatic skills. A major street in Luanda, the capital of Angola, is named after her. A statue of her is located at Kinaxixi at a massive square. Angolan women view the area as ideal for marriage and many couples exchange vows there on Thursdays and Fridays.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nzinga_of_Ndongo_and_Matamba

Mbuya Nehanda (Charwe Nyakasikana)(1862-1898): Spirit Mediums & the Anti-Colonial Revolt in Mashonaland (Zimbabwe)

The struggle in Zimbabwe goes back for over 100 years to reclaim the land and culture of the Mashona and Ndebele peoples whose populations constitute the majority of Africans living in this region of sub-continent. One of the key figures in sparking an anti-colonial revolt during the last decade of the 19th century, was Mbuya Nehanda who in all likelihood had accumulated some status and clout prior to the 1896-97 rebellion in Mashonaland.

Nehanda was considered a powerful spirit medium who dedicated her life to the preservation of traditional African culture. During the late 19th century in the hills around Mazoe, Zimbabwe, there resided numerous sub-chiefs including the Wata and Chidamba. In the area, according to the Anglican Church maps after 1888, there was a village called Nehandas.

The historical sources on Zimbabwe say that the original Nehanda was a child of Mutota who was the initial Monomatapa (ruler) who resided in the escarpment North of Sipolilo in the early 15th century. Mutota was the founder of the Mutapa state and also had a son called Matope. Nehanda in 15th century Mutapa became so powerful that it was believed that her spirit lived in other humans over the generations. Even 500 years later it was taught that the spirit of the original Nehanda occupied Nehanda Charwe Nyakasikana as the woman incarnation of the oracle Nyamhika Nehanda.

Nehanda and her spirit companion Kaguvi were cited as the important figures in the First Chimurenga during 1896-97. Kaguvi was considered the spirit husband of the former great Shona medium Nehanda and this consequent historical connection influenced Mbuya Nehanda to teach the philosophy of resistance to British imperialism. This important role of Kaguvi and Nehanda can never be minimized in assessing anti-colonial history in Zimbabwe.

The resistance fighters and their supporters in Mashonaland believed that both Kaguvi and Nehanda were the voices of God, also known as Mwari. They both preached that the origins of problems within the homeland resulted from the settlements established by the British which sought to encroach on greater portions of land occupied and utilized by the African people. According to Kaguvi and Nehanda, Mwari had decreed that the Europeans be driven from the country.

As a result of Nehanda’s role in the First Chimurenga, an arrest warrant was put out for her capture. Kaguvi and Nehanda were charged with the murder of a puppet African police officer and a British colonial agent. They were both sentenced to hang in 1898. At the hanging it required three attempts before Nehanda died. Her last words before death were reported to have been that: “My bones will rise again.”

During the imprisonment of Nehanda and Kaguvi, the Europeans attempted to have both of them converted to Christianity. Even though Kaguvi was reported to have converted, Nehanda emphatically refused to accept what she considered as the belief system of the colonialists.
http://www.bulawayo1872.com/history/nehandambuya.htm

Yaa Asantewaa (1850-1920): State Building and the 1900 Asante War of Resistance Against British Imperialism

The west Africa nation of Ghana is considered historically the fountainhead of the anti-colonial struggle in Africa and the Diaspora. This is the direct result of the triumph of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first Prime Minister and later President of the First Republic of Ghana during the 1950s and 1960s. Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party (CPP) led the years-long battle for national independence that reached fruition on March 6, 1957.

Yet over a half-century earlier a great African warrior Queen Yaa Asantewaa has been recognized by historians as a major contributor to the efforts by African people to prevent the consolidation of British imperialism in what was then known as the Gold Coast (today Ghana). Yaa Asantewaa was born into the royal Asona clan of Edweso and in 1887 when the female stool of Edweso was vacated, Nana Akwasi Afrane Okpese, who was then Edwesohene, utilized his traditional authority to place Yaa Asantewaa as successor to Nana Ampobin I as Edwesohemaa.

After her appointment to the position of the Edwesohene she performed her functions very effectively. Later when her brother died in 1894, Yaa Asantewaa used her prerogative as Queen-mother to select her grandson to take over the position vacated by his uncle. In 1896 she reached an agreement with the British and signed a Treaty of Protection. At the same time she worked between 1896-1900 to resist European commercial and mining agents who sought to encroach further into the territory of the Edweso.

Yaa Asantewaa opposed both the European commercial agents and their allies among the neighboring people of Kokofu. She eventually challenged the efforts of the colonialists in the British courts established in Kumasi after the deportation of the Asantehene in 1896. The British sought to prevent any effective resistance to their growing colonial rule in the area. They would impose taxation and alien rule on the people which caused great consternation and outrage among the Asante.

In March of 1900 the British formerly announced to the Asante Chiefs that the leadership of the nation would not be allowed to return and assume their rightful authority. The British demanded that the Golden Stool, which is considered the soul of the people, be surrendered. Wilhelmina J. Donkoh in her article entitled: “Yaa Asantewaa, A Role Model for Womanhood in the New Millennium,” points out that:

“This was the environment in which Nana Yaa Asantewaa, the only female present at the gathering in her capacity as the caretaker of the Edweso State rose up and defied British authority by questioning the Governor. She inquired of the Governor, whether he had seen the Asantehene before coming to Kumasi, that since the Asantehene was the traditional custodian of the Stool, he was the appropriate person to disclose its whereabouts. She then turned on her male counterparts who had been stunned into silence, and taunted them about their manhood.”

Donkoh in the same above-mentioned article continues by illustrating her direct role in commanding the resistance war of 1900 against the British. She also notes that her actions defied Akan values that call for the woman to be submissive and quiet in public. Consequently, she was not at all concerned about being described as an “obaa Kokonyini” (a female cockerel) or an “obaa sagyefoo” which in essence means a female redeemer in the times of war.

Donkoh relates Yaa Asantewaa’s leadership style during the resistance war of the people against the British in 1900:

“From various accounts, Yaa Asantewaa comes across as a ‘Mother Courage’ figure as well as an astute tactician and able military leader. For example, her taunts challenged some of the men to act. Eyewitness accounts from Edweso indicate that she herself did not physically take up arms to fight. Her role has been described as being mainly inspirational.

“Yet all accounts acknowledge her to be the leader of the resistance supported by some male leaders–Kofi Fofie of Nkonson, Antoa Mensa, Kwame Afrifa of Atwima and Osei Kwadwo Kromo. She was known to have visited the soldiers in the battlefield to ascertain how they were faring. She also gave directions and advice as well as supplied gunpowder.”

Donkoh also stresses that Yaa Asantewaa’s role was not totally without precedent within her people’s history:

“It should be pointed out that in Asante history, there, have been many instances when women have excelled in a public capacity. There is, for example, the case of the Asantehemaa Adoma Akosua, who in 1814, was left in charge of the affairs of the Asante nation while the Asantehene Osei Bonsu went to the coast to visit his troops on the battlefield there.

“In the period, Adoma Akosua received a Dutch embassy with which she discussed trade. There is also the brief diplomatic career Akyaawaa Oyiakwan, a daughter of the Asantehene Osei Kwadwo (1764-77), who headed two different diplomatic missions that successfully negotiated the Maclean treaty in April 1831 with the British and with the Danes at Christianborg Castle in August of the same year.

“In addition, is the example of the Dwabenhemaa Ama Seiwaa who in 1843 took over as chief of the Dwabeii and led her people back to Asante from exile in Akyem Abuakwa in the south east of the Gold Coast after the death of her two sons in succession.

“Indeed, her daughter, Nana Afrakoma Panin and her granddaughter Nana Akua Saponmaa both held the dual offices of Dwabenhemaa and Dwabenhene concurrently. However, the difference between all these examples and the case of Nana Yaa Asantewaa was that the latter took on the might of the technologically superior British.”

Conclusion

This brief survey of the role of five African women within their societies during the ancient, pre-colonial and colonial eras illustrate quite clearly that the assumptions around the strict divisions of labor and political power among traditional African nations depart significantly from those in Europe and Asia. The lives, contributions and accomplishments of these women also defy the stereotypical notions of the role of females within traditional African societies prior to the advent of colonialism and national independence.

The political imperatives of the twenty-first century require that further scientific research be conducted into the role of women in African history and societies. This can be done by a more objective approach to the existing data and artifacts available on the pre-colonial period as well as utilizing the vast oral histories within African societies themselves.

Genuine national independence of the continent and the former colonial territories require the total emancipation of all oppressed sections of society. For Africa will never reach its full potential without the complete liberation of women. Consequently, the reconstruction of African history and the role of women within it will make a significant contribution to the realization of a society devoid of all forms of exploitation and oppression.
———————————————————————————
Abayomi Azikiwe is the editor of the Pan-African News Wire.

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Melanin God’s Dust

The Science of Melanin

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Memorial Day a Forgotten part of African American history

Memorial Day Founded on the Souls of Black Folk

By Trymaine Lee

Often lost in all of the Memorial Day barbecuing, parading and flag-waving is not just the day’s true meaning – remembering fallen American soldiers- but the day’s true origins.

The first ever Memorial Day was celebrated on May 1, 1865 in Charleston, South Carolina by former African-American slaves. They called their celebration Decoration Day, and it was in honor of some 250 or so Union Soldiers who died in an encampment on the site of an old horseracing track.

This bit of history has largely been lost, tucked away in the dusty recesses of Southern archives, forgotten, perhaps with intention, by those in the late 18th Century who sought to control the historical narrative and the meaning of the Civil War

While oral histories passed down through black families in Charleston of a glorious day in 1865 when more than 10,000 blacks marched and sang and prayed over the graves of the Union soldiers buried there, the story had remained the stuff of hushed legend until David Blight, a historian at Yale University, stumbled upon it in the late 1990s while doing research for a book he was writing.

He was parsing through a “hopelessly disorganized” trove of material at the Houghton Library at Harvard University when he made a fascinating discovery inside a box of papers. It was a folder labeled “First Decoration Day,” and when he cracked it open a piece of cardboard-like paper slid out.

On it was a handwritten narrative, probably written by a Civil War veteran, describing in detail what happened that day at the racetrack.

“When I read it I could hardly believe my eyes,” said Blight, the author of several books, including ‘Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory.’

The more research he did the more detail he uncovered and a clear picture emerged of what is likely (though several other states have laid claim) the very first celebration of scale of the war’s dead.

The end of the Civil War had just come, leaving behind a trail of death and destruction from North to South. About 620,000 soldiers from both sides of the Mason Dixon were killed. And of the 180,000 or so black soldiers that fought for the Union military, roughly 20 percent of them were killed. Southern cities like Charleston lay in rubble.

President Abraham Lincoln had been assassinated in April of 1865. Gen. Robert E. Lee, commander of the Confederate troops, had surrendered in the first week of May. The country, particularly the South, was in ruins, soaked in the blood let by war. The slaves had been freed. The North and South were just beginning a long and arduous road to healing, if such a notion could have been imagined at the time.

This was the backdrop of what happened that day in May some 146 years ago. It was a Monday morning on the grounds of an old racecourse in Charleston, which at one time was a gem of the city’s gentry, its socialites and its wealthy, according to Blight and various histories.

But in the waning last year of the war the course’s grounds had been turned into a prison camp and a burial ground for hundreds of Union soldiers who died there. For weeks after the war officially ended, former slaves, about 25 in all, did the dirty work of burying those dead soldiers.

Thousands upon thousands of former slaves, black school children and soldiers came together to honor those that died there. They sang ‘John Brown’s Body,’ according to accounts. The black grave-diggers, according to Blight, built a fence around the cemetery and constructed an archway, which read “Martyrs of the Racetrack,” or something close to it.

But how could such a huge event involving 10,000 people, 10,000 black people in the Deep South, be forgotten?

“It is, on the surface, hard to believe an event including ten thousand people could get lost,” Blight said. “It got lost because the people in control of public memory by the mid to late 1870s were not the people who wanted to remember this.”

In 1876, 11 years after the Civil War ended, with the white Southern elite tearing away at Reconstruction, a white-supremacist Democrat, Wade Hampton, became governor. They called him the “redeemer Governor,” Blight said. “Redeeming white supremacy and control.”

The era of the “lost cause” began then, and the powers started to define their version of the war, and by the 1880s and 1890s, there would be no recollection of the event in the official public memory in Charleston.

Since Blight’s discovery about a dozen or so years ago, Charleston, which like so many other American cities is fraught with lingering racial divisions, has embraced the history. Last year some 200 black re-enactors, the mayor and other city officials, as well as various historians including Blight, marched across the site of the racetrack, ironically named after Wade Hampton, and placed a memorial plaque at the site.

“To the extent that it matter who was first,” Blight said, “this particular event has a right to claim that distinction.”

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Let the Ancestors Speak: On Eve of Redefining Malcolm X, Biographer Dies

Thank Pa Ntr that he was ab;e to finish his important work before the ancestors called him home. Long live the Ka and Ba of Manning Marable

On Eve of Redefining Malcolm X, Biographer Dies

By LARRY ROHTER
Published: April 1, 2011

e

Philippe Cheng

The author and historian Manning Marable.

For two decades, the Columbia University professor Manning Marable focused on the task he considered his life’s work: redefining the legacy of Malcolm X. Last fall he completed “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention,” a 594-page biography described by the few scholars who have seen it as full of new and startling information and insights.

Richard Saunders/Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture

Malcolm X, the black nationalist, with his wife, Betty Shabazz, and their daughters Attallah, left, and Qubilah around 1962.

The book is scheduled to be published on Monday, and Mr. Marable had been looking forward to leading a vigorous public discussion of his ideas. But on Friday Mr. Marable, 60, died in a hospital in New York as a result of medical problems he thought he had overcome. Officials at Viking, which is publishing the book, said he was able to look at it before he died. But as his health wavered, they were scrambling to delay interviews, including an appearance on the “Today” show in which his findings would have finally been aired.

The book challenges both popular and scholarly portrayals of Malcolm X, the black nationalist leader, describing a man often subject to doubts about theology, politics and other matters, quite different from the figure of unswerving moral certitude that became an enduring symbol of African-American pride.

It is particularly critical of the celebrated “Autobiography of Malcolm X,” now a staple of college reading lists, which was written with Alex Haley and which Mr. Marable described as “fictive.” Drawing on diaries, private correspondence and surveillance records to a much greater extent than previous biographies, his book also suggests that the New York City Police Department and the F.B.I. had advance knowledge of Malcolm X’s assassination but allowed it to happen and then deliberately bungled the investigation.

“This book gives us a richer, more profound, more complicated and more fully fleshed out Malcolm than we have ever had before,” Michael Eric Dyson, the author of “Making Malcolm: The Myth and Meaning of Malcolm X” and a professor of sociology at Georgetown University, said on Thursday. “He’s done as thorough and exhaustive a job as has ever been done in piecing together the life and evolution of Malcolm X, rescuing him from both the hagiography of uncritical advocates and the demonization of undeterred critics.”

Over the course of a 35- year academic career, Mr. Marable wrote and edited numerous books about African-American politics and history, and remained one of the nation’s leading Marxist historians. But the biography is likely to be regarded as his magnum opus. He obtained about 6,000 pages of F.B.I. files on Malcolm X through the Freedom of Information Act, as well as records from the Central Intelligence Agency, State Department and New York district attorney’s office. He also interviewed members of Malcolm X’s inner circle and security team, as well as others who were present when Malcolm X was shot to death.

Poor health had slowed his progress, but Mr. Marable remained optimistic. “For a quarter-century I have had sarcoidosis, an illness that gradually destroyed my pulmonary functions,” he wrote in the volume’s acknowledgments. “In the last year in researching this book, I could not travel and I carried oxygen tanks in order to breathe. In July 2010, I received a double lung transplant, and following two months’ hospitalization, managed a full recovery.” (An interview with The New York Times was planned, but did not take place.)

The book’s account of the assassination of Malcolm X, then 39, on Feb. 21, 1965, is likely to be its most incendiary claim. Mr. Marable contends that although Malcolm X embraced mainstream Islam at least two years before his death, law-enforcement authorities continued to see him as a dangerous rabble-rouser.

“They had the mentality of wanting an assassination,” Gerry Fulcher, a former New York City police detective who participated in the surveillance of Malcolm X, told Mr. Marable for the book.

That is why “law-enforcement agencies acted with reticence when it came to intervening with Malcolm’s fate,” the book asserts. “Rather than investigate the threats on his life, they stood back.”

In a statement, Paul Browne, the chief spokesman for the Police Department, said, ”As much as conspiracy theorists may press to reach a sweeping, unsupported and untrue conclusion, the fact is the N.Y.P.D. was not complicit in Malcolm X’s assassination, and it’s gratuitously false to suggest as much.”

Eve Arnold/Magmum

Malcolm X with Elijah Muhammad in 1961. The Marable biography adds new information about causes behind their split.

Bettmann/Corbis

Police photographs of Malcolm Little, 18, in 1944. The new book says he had less of a criminal history than he claimed.

Based on his new material, Mr. Marable concluded that only one of the three men convicted of killing Malcolm X was involved in the assassination, and that the other two were at home that day. The real assassination squad, he writes, had four other members, with connections to the rival Nation of Islam’s Newark mosque — two of whom are still alive and have never been charged.

Since Malcolm X’s death, the posthumous “Autobiography,” along with “Malcolm X,” Spike Lee’s 1992 film drawn from it, has made a pop-culture hero out of the man who was born Malcolm Little. But the Marable book contradicts and complicates key elements of his life story.

Malcolm X himself contributed to many of the fictions, Mr. Marable argues, by exaggerating, glossing over or omitting important incidents in his life. These episodes include a criminal career far more modest than he claimed, an early homosexual relationship with a white businessman, his mother’s confinement in a mental hospital for nearly 25 years and secret meetings with leaders of groups as divergent as the Ku Klux Klan and the Palestine Liberation Organization.

“Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention” shows, for instance, that at a time when Malcolm X claimed in the autobiography to have “devoted himself to increasingly violent crime” in New York, he was actually in Lansing, Mich., his hometown. Mr. Marable attributes the embroidery of “amateurish attempts at gangsterism” to Malcolm X’s wish to demonstrate that the Nation of Islam’s gospel of pride and self-respect had the power to redeem even the most depraved criminal.

“In many ways, the published book is more Haley’s than its author’s,” Mr. Marable writes, noting that Haley, who died in 1992, was a liberal Republican and staunch integrationist who held “racial separation and religious extremism in contempt” but was “fascinated by the tortured tale of Malcolm’s personal life.”

The book maintains that several chapters of the autobiography explaining Malcolm X’s evolving but still radical political vision were deleted before publication, perhaps out of Haley’s desire to produce a work that “frames his subject firmly within mainstream civil rights respectability at the end of his life.”

The Marable book also sheds new light on Malcolm X’s departure from the Nation of Islam and the subsequent feud with the organization and its founder, Elijah Muhammad, preceding his assassination. That split is usually attributed to theological and political differences and the jealousy of Muhammad’s children and inner circle.

But Mr. Marable also points to an episode of almost Oedipal sexual duplicity, in which Elijah Muhammad impregnated a woman Malcolm X had loved since he was a young man. “Malcolm must have felt a deep sense of betrayal,” Mr. Marable writes.

Malcolm X’s subsequent trip to Mecca in 1964 — a likely turning point in his religious evolution — was recounted in both the autobiography and the biopic. The Marable book, however, provides extensive new material about a second, 24-week trip to Africa and the Middle East later that year, drawing on Malcolm X’s own travel diary and providing details on a campaign he waged to have the United States condemned for racism in a vote at the United Nations.

As part of that effort to open a foreign front for the civil rights struggle, which was closely monitored by American governmental agencies, Malcolm X met with numerous African heads of state as well as Chinese and Cuban diplomats. The Johnson administration was so upset, Mr. Marable writes, that Nicholas Katzenbach, the acting attorney general, considered prosecuting him for violating a law that bans United States citizens from negotiating with foreign states.

“These are new facts being unveiled, showing just how serious and sustained was Malcolm’s interest in the global dimension” of the domestic civil rights struggle, Mr. Dyson said. “They really do suggest he was a subversive figure, trying to undermine the best interests of the U.S. government” in the name of a larger pan-African cause. “That is a fresh insight, one of many.”

Mr. Marable’s editor, Wendy Wolf, said Friday evening that “his every fiber was devoted to the completion of this book.” She added: “It’s heartbreaking he won’t be here on publication day with us.”

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Rest In Power Pa Akhu Manning Marable

Manning Marable, Historian and Social Critic, Dies at 60

By WILLIAM GRIMES
Published: April 1, 2011

Manning Marable, a leading scholar of black history and a leftist critic of American social institutions and race relations, whose long-awaited biography of Malcolm X, more than a decade in the writing, is scheduled to be published on Monday, died on Friday in Manhattan. He was 60.

His wife, Leith Mullings, said that the cause was not known but that Mr. Marable, who lived in Manhattan, had entered the hospital with pneumonia in early March. In July 2010, he had undergone a double lung transplant.

Mr. Marable, a prolific writer and impassioned polemicist, addressed issues of race and economic injustice in numerous works that established him as one of the most forceful and outspoken scholars of African-American history and race relations in the United States.

He explored this territory in books like “How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America” (1983), “Black Liberation in Conservative America” (1997) and “The Great Wells of Democracy” (2003), and in a political column, “Along the Color Line,” which was syndicated in more than 100 newspapers.

At nearly 600 pages, “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention,” to be published by Viking, presents a hefty counterweight to the well-known account “The Autobiography of Malcolm X.”

The autobiography, long considered a classic of the 1960s civil rights struggle, was an “as told to” book written with Alex Haley and published in 1965.

Mr. Marable, drawing on new sources, archival material and government documents unavailable to Mr. Haley, developed a fuller account of Malcolm X’s politics, religious beliefs and personal life, as well as his role in the civil rights movement and the circumstances of his assassination.

He also offers a revisionist portrait of Malcolm X at odds with Mr. Haley’s presentation of him as an evolving integrationist.

“We need to look at the organic evolution of his mind and how he struggled to find different ways to empower people of African descent by any means necessary,” Mr. Marable said in a 2007 interview with Amy Goodman on the radio program “Democracy Now.”

Mr. Marable’s political philosophy was often described as transformationist, as opposed to integrationist or separatist. That is, he urged black Americans to transform existing social structures and bring about a more egalitarian society by making common cause with other minorities and change-minded groups like environmentalists.

“By dismantling the narrow politics of racial identity and selective self-interest, by going beyond ‘black’ and ‘white,’ we may construct new values, new institutions and new visions of an America beyond traditional racial categories and racial oppression,” he wrote in the essay collection “Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics” (1995).

In a telephone interview on Friday, the scholar and author Cornel West called Mr. Marable “our grand radical democratic intellectual,” adding, “He kept alive the democratic socialist tradition in the black freedom movement, and I had great love and respect for him.”

William Manning Marable was born on May 13, 1950, in Dayton, Ohio. He earned a bachelor’s degree from Earlham College in Richmond, Ind., and a master’s degree from the University of Wisconsin before receiving his doctorate from the University of Maryland in 1976.

He directed ethnic studies programs at a number of colleges, notably the Race Relations Institute at Fisk University and the Africana and Latin American Studies program at Colgate University.

He was the chairman of the black studies department at Ohio State University in the late 1980s and also taught ethnic studies at the University of Colorado, Boulder.

At Columbia University, where he became a professor of public affairs, political science, history and African-American studies in 1993, he was the founding director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies and the Center for the Study of Contemporary Black History.

In addition to his wife, who teaches anthropology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and who co-edited several of his books, Mr. Marable is survived by three children, Joshua Manning Marable of Boulder; Malaika Marable Serrano of Silver Spring, Md.; and Sojourner Marable Grimmett of Atlanta; two stepchildren, Alia Tyner of Manhattan and Michael Tyner of Brooklyn; a sister, Madonna Marable of Dayton; and three grandchildren.

His other books included “Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945-1982” (1984) and “The Great Wells of Democracy : The Meaning of Race in American Life” ( 2002), as well as two biographies published in 2005, “W. E. B. DuBois: Black Radical Democrat” and “The Autobiography of Medgar Evers,” which he edited with Myrlie Evers-Williams, Evers’s widow.

He was the general editor of “Freedom on My Mind: The Columbia Documentary History of the African American Experience” (2003).

In 1992 he published “On Malcolm X: His Message and Meaning,” a work that prefigured the consuming project of his later years. “Beyond Boundaries: The Manning Marable Reader,” a selection of his writings, was published in January by Paradigm.

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Reimagining Malcolm X

A new telling of the life of Malcolm X, from a biographer who’s already gone.

Malcolm X speaks to reporters in Washington, D.C., in 1963. (AP)Malcolm X speaks to reporters in Washington, D.C., in 1963. (AP)

Malcolm X was fierce in his day and an icon in his death — the hard, tough black answer to Martin Luther King’s non-violent civil rights struggle.

“The Autobiography of Malcolm X,” as told to Alex Haley, became a touchstone for generations of young African-Americans and more. His archetypal journey from crime and trouble to wisdom and awakening.

Now, a new biography of Malcolm X takes the man beyond archetype. Fills in the picture. He becomes more human, but no less compelling.

This hour On Point: the new biography of Malcom X.

- Tom Ashbrook

Guests:

Zaheer Ali, doctoral student at Columbia University and project manager for Manning Marable’s “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention.”

Michael Eric Dyson, professor of sociology at Georgetown University and host of the Michael Eric Dyson Show.

Excerpt
Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention
By Manning Marable

(PDF)

From chapter 7, “As Sure as God Made Green Apples”

Malcolm may have publicly commanded his followers to obey the law, but this did little to lessen suspicion of the Muslims by law enforcement in major cities. Nowhere did tensions run hotter than in Los Angeles, where Malcolm had established Temple No. 27 in 1957. For most whites who migrated to the city, Los Angeles was the quintessential city of dreams. For black migrants, the city of endless possibilities offered some of the same Jim Crow restrictions they had sought to escape by moving west. As early as 1915, black Los Angeles residents were protesting against racially restrictive housing covenants; such racial covenants as well as blatant discrimination by real estate firms continued to be a problem well into the 1960s. The real growth of the black community in Southern California only began to take place during the two decades after 1945. During this twenty-year period, when the black population of New York City increased by nearly 250 percent, the black population of Los Angeles jumped 800 percent. Blacks were also increasingly important in local trade unions, and in the economy generally. For example, between 1940 and 1960, the percentage of black males in LA working as factory operatives increased from 15 percent to 24 percent; the proportion of African-American men employed in crafts during the same period rose from 7 percent to 14 percent. By 1960, 468,000 blacks resided in Los Angeles County, approximately 20 percent of the county’s population.

These were some of the reasons that Malcolm had invested so much energy and effort to build the NOI’s presence in Southern California, and especially the development of Mosque No. 27. Having recruited the mosque’s leaders, he flew out to settle a local factional dispute in October 1961. Such activities were noticed and monitored by the California Senate Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American Activities, which feared that the NOI had “Communist affiliations.” The state committee concluded that there was an “interesting parallel between the Negro Muslim movement and the Communist Party, and that is the advocacy of the overthrow of a hated regime by force, violence or any other means.” On September 2, 1961, several Muslims selling Muhammad Speaks in a South Central Los Angeles grocery store parking lot were harassed by two white store detectives. The detectives later claimed that when they had attempted to stop the Muslims from selling the paper, they were “stomped and beaten.” The version of this incident described in Muhammad Speaks was strikingly different, with the paper claiming that “the two ‘detectives’ produced guns, and attempted to make a ‘citizen’s arrest.’ Grocery packers rushed out to help the detectives . . . and black residents of the area who had gathered also became involved. For 45 minutes bedlam reigned.” About forty Los Angeles Police Department officers were dispatched to the scene to restore order. Five Muslims were arrested. At their subsequent trial, the store’s owner and manager confirmed that the NOI had been given permission to peddle their newspapers in the parking lot. An all-white jury acquitted the Muslims on all charges.

Following the parking lot mêlée, the LAPD was primed for retaliation against the local NOI. The city’s police commissioner, William H. Parker, had even read Lincoln’s The Black Muslims in America, and viewed the sect as subversive and dangerous, capable of producing widespread unrest. He instructed his officers to closely monitor the mosque’s activities, which is why, just after midnight on April 27, 1962, when two officers observed what looked to them like men taking clothes out of the back of a car outside the mosque, they approached with suspicion. What happened next is a matter of dispute, yet whether the police were jumped, as they claimed, or the Muslim men were shoved and beaten without provocation, as seems likely, the commotion brought a stream of angry Muslims out of the mosque. The police threatened to respond with deadly force, but when one officer attempted to intimidate the growing crowd of bystanders, he was disarmed by the crowd. Somehow one officer’s revolver went off, shooting and wounding his partner in the elbow. Backup squad cars soon arrived ferrying more than seventy officers, and a full-scale battle ensued. Within minutes dozens of cops raided the mosque itself, randomly beating NOI members. It took fifteen minutes for the fighting to die down. In the end, seven Muslims were shot, including NOI member William X Rogers, who was shot in the back and paralyzed for life. NOI officer Ronald Stokes, a Korean War veteran, had attempted to surrender to the police by raising his hands over his head. Police responded by shooting him from the rear; a bullet pierced his heart, killing him. A coroner’s inquest determined that Stokes’s death was “justifiable.” A number of Muslims were indicted.

News of the raid shattered Malcolm; he wept for the reliable and trustworthy Stokes, whom he had known well from his many trips to the West Coast. The desecration of the mosque and the violence brought upon its members pushed Malcolm to a dark place. He was finally ready for the Nation to throw a punch. Malcolm told Mosque No. 7’s Fruit of Islam that the time had come for retribution, an eye for an eye, and he began to recruit members for an assassination team to target LAPD officers. Charles 37X, who attended one of these meetings, recalled him in a rage, shouting to the assembled Fruit, “What are you here for? What the hell are you here for?” As Louis Farrakhan related, “Brother Malcolm had a gangsterlike past. And coming into the Nation, and especially in New York, he had a tremendous sway over men that came out of the street with gangster leanings.” It was especially from these hardened men that Malcolm demanded action, and they rose to his cry. Mosque No. 7 intended to “send somebody to Los Angeles to kill [the police] as sure as God made green apples,” said James 67X. “Brothers volunteered for it.”

As he made plans to bring his killers to Los Angeles, Malcolm sought the approval of Elijah Muhammad, in what he assumed would be a formality. The time had come for action, and surely Muhammad would see the necessity in summoning the Nation’s strength for the battle. But the Messenger denied him. “Brother, you don’t go to war over a provocation,” he told Malcolm. “They could kill a few of my followers, but I’m not going to go out and do something silly.” He ordered the entire FOI to stand down. Malcolm was stunned; he acquiesced, but with bitter disappointment. Farrakhan believes Malcolm concluded that Muhammad was trying “to protect the wealth that he had acquired, rather than go out with the struggle of our people.”

A few days later Malcolm flew to Los Angeles, and on May 4 he held a press conference about the shootings at the Statler Hilton. The next day he presided over Stokes’s funeral. More than two thousand people attended the service, and an estimated one thousand joined in the automobile procession to the cemetery. Yet the matter was far from resolved. If Malcolm could not kill the officers involved, he was determined that both the police and the political establishment in Los Angeles should be forced to acknowledge their responsibility. The only way to accomplish this, he believed, was for the NOI to work with civil rights organizations, local black politicians, and religious groups. On May 20, Malcolm participated in a major rally against police brutality that attracted the support of many white liberals, as well as communists. “You’re brutalized because you’re black,” he declared at the demonstration. “And when they lay a club on the side of your head, they do not ask your religion. You’re black—that’s enough.”

He threw himself into organizing a black united front against the police in Southern California, but once more Elijah Muhammad stepped in, ordering his stubborn lieutenant to halt all efforts. “Brother, stay where I put you,” ran his edict, “because they [civil rights organizations] have no place to go. Hold your position.” Muhammad was convinced that integration could not be achieved; the civil rights groups would ultimately gravitate toward the Nation of Islam. When desegregation failed, he explained to Malcolm (and later to Farrakhan), “they will have no place to go but what you and I represent.” Consequently, he vetoed any cooperation with civil rights groups even on a matter as contentious as Stokes’s murder. Louis X saw this as an important turning point in the deteriorating relationship between Malcolm and Muhammad. By 1962, Malcolm was “speaking less and less about the teachings [of Muhammad],” recalled Farrakhan. “And he was fascinated by the civil rights movement, the action of the civil rights participants, and the lack of action of the followers of the Honorable Elijah.”

At heart, the disagreement between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad went deeper than the practical question of how to respond to the Los Angeles police assault. Almost from the moment Muhammad had been informed about the raid and Stokes’s death, he viewed the tragedy as stemming from a lack of courage by Mosque No. 27’s members. “Every one of the Muslims should have died,” he was reported to have said, “before they allowed an aggressor to come into their mosque.” Muhammad believed Stokes had died from weakness, because he had attempted to surrender to the police. Malcolm could hardly stomach such an idea, but having submitted to the Messenger’s authority, he repeated the arguments as his own inside Mosque No. 7. James 67X listened as Malcolm told the congregation, “We are not Christian(s). We are not to turn the other cheek, but the laborers [NOI members] have gotten so comfortable that in dealing with the devil they will submit to him. . . . If a blow is struck against you, fight back.” The brothers in the Los Angeles mosque who resisted had lived. Ronald Stokes submitted and was killed.

Some of Malcolm’s closest associates were persuaded that Elijah Muhammad had made the correct decision, at least on the issue of retaliation. Benjamin 2X Goodman, for one, would later declare, “Mr. Muhammad said, ‘All in good time’ . . . and he was right. The police were ready. It would have been a trap.” But Malcolm himself was humiliated by the NOI’s failure to defend its own members. Everything that he had experienced over the previous years—from mobilizing thousands in the streets around Hinton’s beating in 1957 to working with Philip Randolph to build a local black united front in 1961–62—told him that the Nation could protect its members only through joint action with civil rights organizations and other religious groups. One could not simply leave everything to Allah.

The Stokes murder brought to a close the first phase of Malcolm’s career within the NOI. He had become convinced that Elijah Muhammad’s passive position could not be justified. Malcolm had spent almost a decade in the Nation, and for all his speeches, he could point to no progress on the creation of a separate black state. Meanwhile, in the state that existed, the black men and women who looked to him for leadership were suffering and dying. Political agitation and public protests, along the lines of CORE and SNCC, were essential to challenging institutional racism. Malcolm hoped that, at least within the confines of Mosque No. 7, he would be allowed to pursue a more aggressive strategy, in concert with independent black leaders like Powell and Randolph. In doing so, he speculated, perhaps the entire Nation of Islam could be reborn.

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